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As the world continues to grow smaller there is growing pressure for all
of us to try to live as one community of humankind. The pressure to
become one is, in reality, a pressure exerted upon cultures and nations
outside the big powers to conform to their ways of life. In reaction to
this pressure Muslim intellectuals have sought to adapt what is valuable
and necessary in the modern age to Islamic principles. This is the great
challenge facing Muslim scholars today.
Islamic
Studies and the contemporary challenges
(Outsiders'
Interpretations of Islam- A Muslim's Point of View)
by
Muhammad Abdul-Rauf
The purpose of this essay is to present a Muslim perspective on the
relation of the Islamic faith to the scholarly disciplines that study
it. Since historians of religions who write about Islam have gleaned
their information mainly from Western experts in "Islamic
studies," the focus of this paper will be on Islamic studies as
such. The essence of the problem that needs airing is: Does the term
"Islamic studies" designate an intellectual pursuit discovered
and maintained only by Western scholars? This view, common though it
seems to be in the West, ignores the study of Islam by Muslims
themselves since the rise of Islam. Is the Western study of Islam, then,
intrinsically misguided and harmful? This, too, is an attitude that is
blind to obvious achievements, many by non-Muslims. Wherein lie the
problems many Muslims experience with "Islamic studies?" The
following anecdote illustrates a point that needs to be made.
On December 7, 1979, Al-Ahram, the leading daily Egyptian newspaper,
carried an interesting story by a renowned contemporary writer. The
writer told of his late friend, Salah Saljuke-former Afghani Ambassador
to Cairo and an accomplished scholar and authority on Sufism-who about
twenty years prior had paid him a visit one day and had looked very
disturbed. "Saljuke told me," the author related, "to
rise up and struggle to prevent a great disaster! America and Russia
have now joined hands, this time to undermine al-Azhar University.
The Representative of the Soviet Union and the American Ambassador have
counseled our President (of Egypt) to modernize al-Azhar and make it
more relevant to modern times."
Moved by this appeal, the writer told his readers that he sent a letter
to Egypt's President, warning of the disastrous consequences of such a
step. He also wrote letters to all the newspapers criticizing the idea
of "modernizing" the Muslim world's center of religious and
intellectual training. He reminded the President and the media of the
great prestige of al-Azhar and its fundamental mission especially to
preserve the Qur'an and the religious and traditional sciences.
The writer received no response to his appeal, however, and none of his
letters were published. Meanwhile, he learned from the press that a
committee formed by official decree to reform al-Azhar was chaired by an
acquaintance of his, the president of Cairo University, whose departure
to Spain as Egypt's
ambassador had been announced a day earlier. The press report stated
that while he was chairman the committee had decided it was time to
transform al-Azhar University into a modern university that would
include schools of agriculture, medicine, business, and engineering. It
was only when the ambassador had returned of Spain that the writer
learned from him, contrary to the earlier media announcement, that the
committee had rejected the proposed reforms. The ambassador added that
the chancellor of al-Azhar, in a poignant moment during the committee
meetings, broke down in tears because he greatly feared the harm that
would come to al-Azhar and to Islam as a result of the proposed reforms.
Before commenting on this story, let us go back to the time of our
Prophet, Muhammad-God's blessings and peace be upon him-and trace the
origins of that broad subject, Islamic studies.
The Origin and Growth of
Islamic Studies in the Muslim World
During the Prophet's mission, his concern was to ignite men's souls with
the torch of knowledge, and he discouraged his companions from certain
kinds of speculation, most notably speculation on the essence of God and
the unseen realities. Since the finite mind is unable to grasp the
infinite, any attempt to operate beyond these limits can only lead to
error.
As a result of the Prophet's mission, many questions were raised, and
through means found in the Qur'an and the Prophet's Sunna they were
answered. The Prophet was the Guide. At his death, the momentum of his
mission nonetheless continued to guide his companions, who collectively
and individually maintained
the glow of divine passion within their hearts and souls. After the
passing of this first generation of Muslims, and with the development of
Islamic civilization to include non-Arabic speaking peoples, new
pressure began to weigh upon this growing society. An important goal was
to help non Arab peoples assimilate Islam into their lives without
distorting it. Considering the fact that strong remnants of ancient and
well-entrenched civilizations, such as the Persian and the Egyptian,
were now encompassed by the Muslim polity, the assimilation of Islam was
no mean task.
The organic unity of this growing Islamic civilization was fractured by
an ordinance of fate. The question of the nature of the Islamic state
and the issue of succession led to the cleavage between Muslims who
thereafter identified themselves as either Sunni or Shi'i. The painful
experience attended by this cleavage led to another simultaneous
separation of components within Islamic society, namely, the
concentration of worldly concerns in the hands of those in pursuit of
power politics and the concentration of spiritual concerns among those
devoted passionately to the faith of Islam. This led to the rise of
Sufism, many of whose proponents sought to differentiate themselves from
established institutions.
With the growth of Islamic civilization, an educational system evolved
that expressed the basic Islamic impulse of personal salvation. Since
education is the means by which society safeguards and transmits its
cherished values and heritage, the goal of education in Muslim lands was
never divorced from a belief
in God or from the basic elements of the Islamic faith. This is true in spite
of different opinions about some peripheral aspects of the content of
this belief. Significantly, until this time, a clear definition of
"Islamic studies" per se did not exist, since the notion of an
"Islamic versus a "non-Islamic" subject of study had not occurred
to early Muslim scholars. All divisions of knowledge were regarded as
"Islamic."
ISLAMIC STUDIES EAST AND WEST
The awareness of Muslim versus non-Muslim subject matters was
consciously at stake in the conflict between the Muslim East and the
Christian West during the Middle Ages. As the Muslim lands declined in
power and came under the colonial rule of the West in more recent
centuries, two simultaneous concepts of Islamic studies emerged, one
outside the Muslim world and one within. Most Western readers will be
somewhat familiar with the works and criticisms Western Islamists have
penned about Islam. They will be less familiar, perhaps, with the impact
this has had upon Muslim scholars who have sought to maintain their own
tradition according to sources, standards, and criteria derived from the
Qur'an and the Prophet's Sunna.
Western Islamic studies were given impetus by the need for the colonial
powers to learn about and understand the people they ruled. As such, the
complete heritage of Islamic culture, whether in the field of Islamic
religion per se, or philosophy, or art, came under the one rubric of
Western scholarship: "Islamic studies" (originally called
"oriental studies"). It was promulgated by European scholars
in European universities for European students.
Within the Islamic world, the colonial rulers established
"secular" systems of education patterned after their own. As a
result, the traditional Muslim educational systems came to be labeled
"religious." Traditional Muslim academic centers became, in
very short order, schools of "Islamic studies!"
With the eventual achievement of political independence, Muslim
countries entered a transitional stage of working toward a political,
economic, and social identity that would conform once again to their
religious and cultural heritage. This is the state of development as of
the 1980's. Although political independence was the first and easiest to
achieve, economic and cultural independence have been less easy to
effect. Western perceptions of an Islamic revolution all too often
fasten on political rather than the internal economic, religious, and
cultural dimensions of what I here refer to as a "transition."
The rapid increase in global communications is the result of
unprecedented technological growth. More people today travel widely and
come into contact with cultures that are quite different from their own.
One result is that most of the technocrats of Muslim countries have been
educated in the West. There was a time when the majority of them were
infatuated with technology and with Western culture as a whole. As time
passed, however, the "foreign" became less appealing, and this
infatuation began to be replaced by cautious appreciation of
technological rewards, with awareness of the drawbacks and, more
importantly, the limitations.
Even in the West faith in science and technology as paths to human
salvation appears to be on the decline. There is an increasing
realization that values as much as material growth are a crucial aspect
of the good and happy life. The search for bigger and better material
standards of living only serves to heighten spiritual appetites. Recent
discussions in psychology have pointed out the inadequacies of behaviorist
and purely physiological theories of human nature. There is more to
being human than we currently know. The growing hunger in the West for
spiritual forms created a surge of interest in oriental philosophies and
religions as possible avenues to personal fulfillment, if not personal
salvation.
As the world continues to grow smaller there is growing pressure for all
of us to try to live as one community of humankind. The pressure to
become one is, in reality, a pressure exerted upon cultures and nations
outside the big powers to conform to their ways of life. In reaction to
this pressure Muslim intellectuals have sought to adapt what is valuable
and necessary in the modern age to Islamic principles. This is the great
challenge facing Muslim scholars today. We cannot yet claim that their
attempts have succeeded. We can, however, affirm that with sincere
attempts progress is being made. Examples include the creation of
Islamic banks, whose express purpose, in keeping with Islamic law, is to
obviate the need for fixed interest rates; resistance to the
secularization of al-Azhar University, mentioned above; and the creation
of the state of Pakistan. These are merely a few tangible examples, and
by no means isolated ones, demonstrating three different fronts:
economic, educational, and political. The challenge facing "Islamic
studies" within the Muslim world, then, is to create and maintain
viable Islamic systems to cope with current realities.
THE PROBLEMS WITH THE TWO BASES OF
ISLAMIC STUDIES
To return to the story quoted at the beginning of this essay, it
indicated the deeply felt Muslim
desire to undo much of the 1961 Reform Law of al-Azhar. This
reflected concern on the part of
many Muslims about the status and conditions of the Islamic schools in
the Muslim world whose
traditional scope has been the perpetuation of Islamic Studies par
excellence. For example, instead of attempting intelligently and
sensitively to bring al-Azhar into line with modern curricular needs in
both method and content, the new law sought to change the age-old
curriculum-highly venerated by Muslims throughout the ages-by adding
technical curricula in medicine, agriculture, engineering, and business.
The sacred center of learning would become secularized. Even worse,
traditional requirements were to be rescinded and the traditional
curriculum itself drastically amended. The former prerequisite for
admission to the first level of preparatory classes-knowing the entire
text of the Holy Qur'an by heart (which provided pupils with ready
sources of all Islamic knowledge)-was to be eliminated or reduced.
This could only lead to immediate and serious compromise of Muslim
academic standards. A complicating factor was that by introducing
secular subjects into the curriculum, traditional textual and
theological studies were in the same measure squeezed out.
Reform should have aimed at fostering independent thinking and critical
reasoning rather than learning only by memory. There was room for reform
by going back to classical texts as opposed to using the dull and
colorless digests and the compendia culled from them in less creative
times.
Why continue to treat works and forms rather than content and substance?
Reform might also have focused on the library with its precious volumes
and thousands of manuscripts. Rather than allowing it to turn into a
museum, which only serves to highlight the distance and antiquity of its
holdings, the library could be so organized as to improve its reading
facilities and encourage reader usage. Microfilming facilities could
have been made available to scholars wanting copies of rare works and
journals from all over the world on Islamic subjects added to
collections of publications from the Muslim world. Departmental
libraries could be similarly equipped. Students could be encouraged to
acquaint themselves with the scholarship of non-Muslims, and taught how
to approach these materials appreciatively yet with discrimination, so
that horizons might be widened and stereotyped suspicions challenged. In
short, the need for reform is not here disputed; the question is what
reform should be sought and how it should be accomplished.
On the other side, Islamic studies in the West also needed to be
examined. With inquisitive minds and speculative methods, Western
savants were stimulated by their contacts with oriental cultures,
looking beyond cultural phenomena to the social and historical forces
behind them. The studies produced thus far have been less descriptive
and analytical, more historical and conjectural. This has been
especially true of works written about Islamic religion. Questions about
the origins of Islam, the derivation of the Prophet's knowledge and
ideas, the chronological order of Qur'anic passages, the authenticity of
Hadith, and other matters, became major topics of investigation. Yet
much has been left to guesswork, and methods worked out far from the
"field" have been conjured up to explain Islam. Socialists
turned to Marxist interpretations, finding in the theory of class
struggle a solution to questions about historical causes, and they
ignored the possibility of Islam's originality. In western Europe and
America, the roots of Islam have been presumed to reach down into the Judeo-Christian
soil. The given truths accepted and upheld by all Muslims for the past
fourteen centuries-the life of the Prophet, his Sunna, the text of the
Holy Qur'an, virtually the entire sacred content of the faith of
Muslims-have been subjected to misguided critical analysis, sometimes
ruthless and usually insensitive. The situation is further complicated
by a legacy of unhappy past political experience and continuing cultural
prejudices.
Interest in the study of Islam in Western institutions has not been
without its salutary effects, however. It has indeed enriched the
library on Islam in many respects, and it has posed a beneficial
challenge to Muslim scholarship. Fair-minded orient lists have been
instrumental in exposing some of the achievements of Islamic
civilization to Western society. And yet it is dangerous when, in the
name of being scientific, the origins of Islam are explained as arising
out of economic or other cultural phenomena. Whatever may be said about
Islam in relation to the place and time in which it arose, its unique
and well testified claim upon its adherents cannot be explained away.
We have as historical
fact that Muhammad's contemporaries, after years of resistance, mockery,
rejection, and oppression, accepted the Prophet's teachings as divinely
given truths, by means of the compelling forces of the miracles he
achieved under their own eyes. The roots of Islam, as of Judaism and
Christianity, are divine revelation. How can we now come, fourteen
centuries later, and pretend that Muhammad got it all from Jews or
Christians? There is no substantial evidence of Jews or Christians
living in Mecca where Muhammad was born and spent the formative years of
his life. He traveled to Syria twice on busy commercial trips, the last
time being some fifteen years prior to his calling as Prophet. Even if
he could have learned so much under these circumstances, why would he
have waited so long to proclaim it? If his supposed teachers had the
wisdom to enlighten Muhammad earlier, why did they not come forth later
when the fruits of their labors began to change the world around them?
Muhammad, who demonstrated abundant gratitude to all those with whom he
had been involved in his early life, would surely not have concealed a
sense of gratitude to any teacher he might have had. Could the
inimitable noble text of the Holy Qur'an be simply a trading of words
and ideas from the Bible? Even Muhammad's enemies, who refused to
acknowledge God but who were endowed with a sense of stylistic
appreciation, recognized that the Qur'an was not the product of a human
mind.
As for the life of the Prophet, why look so hard for presumed weaknesses
of character and evidence of moral turpitude, ignoring relevant
information about his wisdom and integrity? For example, up to the age
of fifty-three, including twenty-five years of happy marriage, Muhammad
maintained a monogamous marriage to his first wife, Khadijah. Only after
her death and after he had achieved a new social and political status
following his invitation to help the citizens of Yathrib (later called
Medina) attain civil order did he become polygamous. Why is it so difficult
to see as reasonable the factors leading to his polygamy in this newly
acquired status?
What compels some to believe stories about Muhammad's excessive
sensuality in his later years? Again, when the Prophet decided to
emigrate from Mecca, he hinted to his companions that they should
precede him to Yathrib in order to avoid the certain wrath of the
Quraysh once his own departure became known.
Why must some "analysts" find in this a reason to impute to
the Prophet mistrust of the pledge from Yathrib, or cowardly assurances
that his Meccan followers would surround him in Yathrib?
Muslims of all generations have believed that the entire text of the
Holy Qur'an was revealed by God to the Prophet and transmitted to his
contemporaries, the vast majority of whom entrusted it to memory tout a
fait within the lifetime of the Prophet. It was also written down during
his lifetime according to his wishes. Being the Word of God to man
recited in prescribed diction and sounds, the Holy Qur'an is inimitable
and not subject to the limiting dimensions of space and time. The order
of its verses in each of its I I4 chapters, which are mutually and
closely related, cannot be subjected to limits imposed by conceptions of
finitude.
Even now, fourteen centuries later, serious attempts are still being
made to advance accusations, often based on linguistic errors and
inappropriate assumptions, claiming that some parts of the text of the
Holy Qur'an were added or altered as a result of a putative process of
editing.
Evidence for this is purely hypothetical. Why have certain orient lists
wasted so many precious years of their lives trying to reorder the text
of the Qur'an chronologically under the assumption that a human hand
played a role in the formation of the text? Such programs of research
are not merely an offense to the consciences of millions of Muslims, but
are also misleading and thus unworthy to be considered as scholarship.
The pursuit of knowledge about the contexts and circumstances in which
the various parts of the Qur'an were revealed, a genre called "the
occasions of revelation" (asbab al-nuzul), represents a well-known
discipline among early Muslim scholars who were engaged in Qur'anic
exegesis and the legal sciences. These works present a
"history" of revelation that stands in conformity with the
life of the Prophet, not a destruction of the tradition.
I should like to close by restating my respect for the serious
undertaking by many Western scholars who have helped us learn more about
Islam. Through painstaking efforts many have made useful contributions
to our knowledge without demeaning the substance of Muslim faith, the
Prophet, or the meaning of the Qur'an. Such scholars regard Muslims as a
people in their own right, not as colonial subjects or objects of
curiosity. The challenge now facing Islamic studies in the West,
particularly in the United States, is to seek to become an effective
bridge between the West and the Muslim world. Difficult questions must
be faced. To what extent do Islamic scholars play a role in helping
formulate United States foreign policy vis a vis Muslim nations?
How could Western Islamicists serve to lessen rather than heighten
misunderstandings about a part of the world that now affects the West so
profoundly?
Within the Muslim world, Islam is very much a twentieth-century way of
life. When our Prophet Muhammad began preaching fourteen centuries ago,
Islam was here to stay. In spite of the Sunni-Shi'i division arising
from early political differences (and not atypical of major religious
traditions) Islam has remained intact. Within the Muslim world, it will
remain so. As an academic discipline in our American universities,
Islamic Studies is therefore by no means an irrelevant subject. This is
all the more reason, then, to go about it accurately and sensitively.
Excerpt from " Approaches to Islam in Religious Studies ",
Edited by Richard Martin, OneWorld Publications
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