Al-Huda
Foundation, NJ U. S. A
the Message Continues ... 4/99
Newsletter for November 2009
Article 1 - Article 2 - Article 3 - Article 4 - Article 5 - Article 6 - Article 7 - Article 8 - Article 9 - Article 10 - Article 11 - Article 12
An Introduction to 'Irfan
by the late Murtada Mutahhari
This short introduction to irfan is a part of the author's book
Ashnai ba ulum e Islami (An Introduction to the Islamic
Sciences) written in seven parts, 1) logic, 2) philosophy, 3)
kalam, 4) irfan, 5) fiqh, 6) usul al fiqh, 7) hikmat e amali
(ethics).
'Irfan is one of the disciplines that originated within the
realm of Islamic culture and developed there to attain a high
level of sophistication. But before we can begin to discuss 'irfan,
we must realize that it can be approached from two viewpoints:
the social and the academic. Unlike the scholars of other
Islamic disciplines - such as the Quranic commentators (mufassirun),
the scholars of hadith (muhaddithun), the jurisprudents (fuqaha'),
the theologians (mutakallimun), the philosophers, the men of
literature, and the poets - the 'urafa' are a group of scholars
who have not only developed their own science, 'irfan, producing
great scholars and important books, but have also given rise
within the Islamic world to a distinct social grouping. In this
the 'urafa' are unique; for the scholars of the other Islamic
disciplines - such as the jurisprudents, for instance - form
solely academic groupings and are not viewed as a social group
distinct from the rest of society.
In view of this distinction the gnostics, when referred to as
belonging to a certain academic discipline, are called 'urafa'
and when referred to as a social group are generally called
Sufis (mutasawwifah).
The 'urafa' and sufis are not regarded as forming a separate
sect in Islam, nor do they claim themselves to be such. They are
to be found within every Islamic school and sect, yet, at the
same time, they coalesce to form a distinct social group. The
factors that set them apart from the rest of Islamic society are
a distinctive chain of ideas and opinions, a special code
governing their social intercourse, dress and even, sometimes,
the way they wear their hair and beards, and their living
communally in their hospices. (Pers. Khaniqah; Ar-ribat, zawiyah;
Turk. tekkiye)
Of course, there are and have always been 'urafa' - particularly
amongst the Shi'ah - who bear none of these external signs to
distinguish them socially from others; yet, at the same time,
they have been profoundly involved in the spiritual methodology
of 'irfan (sayr wa suluk). It is these who are the real gnostics;
not those who have invented for themselves hundreds of special
mannerisms and customs and have brought innovations into being.
In this series of lectures, in which we are taking a general
look at Islamic sciences and disciplines, we will not be dealing
with the social and sectarian aspect of gnosis, that is to say,
tasawwuf (sufism). We will limit ourselves to an examination of
'irfan as a discipline and branch amongst the branches of
Islam's scientific culture. To look thoroughly at the social
aspects of sufism would require us to examine its causes and
origins, the effects - positive and negative, beneficial and
detrimental - it has and has had upon Islamic society, the
nature of the relations between the sufis and other Islamic
groups, the hue it has given to the whole of Islamic teachings,
and the role it has played in the diffusion of Islam throughout
the world. This is far beyond the range of these lectures, and
here we will consider the tradition of 'irfan only as a science
and as one of the academic disciplines of Islam.
'Irfan, as a scientific and academic discipline, itself has two
branches: the practical and the theoretical. The practical
aspect of 'irfan describes and explains the relationship and
responsibilities the human being bears towards itself, towards
the world and towards God. Here, 'irfan is similar to ethics
(akhlaq), both of them being practical sciences. There do exist
differences, however, and later we will explain them.
The practical teaching of 'irfan is also called the itinerary of
the spiritual path (sayr wa suluk; lit. 'traveling and
journeying'). Here, the wayfarer (salik) who desires to reach
the goal of the sublime peak of humanness - that is to say,
tawhid - is told where to set off, the ordered stages and
stations that he must traverse, the states and conditions he
will undergo at these stations, and the events that will befall
him. Needless to say, all these stages and stations must be
passed under the guidance and supervision of a mature and
perfect example of humanity who, having traveled this path, is
aware of the manners and ways of each station. If not, and there
is no perfect human being to guide him on his path, he is in
danger of going astray.
The perfect man, the master, who must necessarily accompany the
novice on the spiritual journey according to the 'urafa', has
been called in their vocabulary as Ta'ir al-quds (the Holy Bird)
and Khidr:
Accompany my zeal on the path, O Ta'ir al-Quds,
The path to the goal is long, and I new to the journey.
Leave not this stage without the company of Khidr,
There is darkness ahead; be afraid of losing the way.
Of course, there is a world of difference between the tawhid of
the 'arif and the general view of tawhid. For the 'arif, tawhid
is the sublime peak of humanness and the final goal of his
spiritual journey, while for the ordinary people, and even the
philosophers, tawhid means the essential Unity of the Necessary
Being. For the 'arif, tawhid means that the ultimate reality is
only God, and everything other than God is mere appearance, not
reality. The 'arif's tawhid means that 'other than God there is
nothing'. For the 'arif, tawhid means following a path and
arriving at the stage when he sees nothing but God. However,
this view of tawhid is not accepted by the opponents of the 'urafa',
and some of them have declared such a view to be heretic. Yet
the 'urafa' are convinced that this is the only true tawhid, and
that the other stages of it cannot be said to be free of
polytheism (shirk).
The 'urafa' do not see the attainment of the ideal stage of
tawhid to be the function of reason and reflection. Rather they
consider it to be the work of the heart, and attained through
struggle, through the journeying, and through purifying and
disciplining the self.
This, however, is the practical aspect of 'irfan, which is not
unlike ethics in this respect, for both discuss a series of
things that 'ought to be done'. However, there are differences,
and the first of these is that 'irfan discusses the human
being's relationship with itself, with the world and with God,
and its primal concern is man's relationship with God. Systems
of ethics, on the other hand, do not all consider it necessary
for the relationship between man and God to be discussed; it is
only the religious ethical systems that give importance and
attention to this matter.
The second difference is that the methodology of spiritual
progression, sayr wa suluk, as the words sayr (traveling) and
suluk (journeying) imply, is a dynamic one, while ethics is
static. That is, 'irfan speaks about a point of departure, a
destination, and the stages and stations which, in their correct
order, the wayfarer must traverse in order to arrive at the
final destination. In the 'arif's view, there really is a path
before the human being - a path that is actual and not in the
least a metaphor - and this path must be followed stage by
stage, station by station; to arrive at any station without
having traversed the preceding one is, in the 'arif's view,
impossible. Thus the 'arif views the human soul to be a living
organism, like a seedling or like a child, whose perfection lies
in growth and maturation in accordance with a particular system
and order.
In ethics, however, the subjects are handled solely as a series
of virtues, such as righteousness, honesty, sincerity, chastity,
generosity, justice, and preferring others over oneself (ithar),
to name but a few, with which the soul must be adorned. In the
view of ethics, the human soul is rather like a house to be
furnished with a series of beautiful objects, pictures and
decorations, and no importance is attached to a particular
sequence. It is not important where one begins or where one
ends. It is of no consequence whether one starts at the ceiling
or at the walls, at the top of a wall or at the bottom and so
on. On the contrary, in 'irfan the ethical elements are
discussed in a dynamic perspective.
The third difference between these two disciplines is that the
spiritual elements of ethics are limited to concepts and ideas
that are generally commonplace, while the spiritual elements of
'irfan are much more profound and expansive. In the spiritual
methodology of 'irfan, much mention is made of the heart and the
states and happenings it will experience, and these experiences
are known only to the wayfarer of the path during the course of
his struggles and his journey on the path, while other people
have no idea of these states and happenings.
The other branch of 'irfan is related to interpretation of
being, that is, God, the universe, and the human being. Here 'irfan
resembles philosophy, for both seek to understand existence,
whereas practical 'irfan seeks, like ethics, to change the human
being. However, just as there are differences between practical
'irfan and ethics, so also there exist differences between
theoretical 'irfan and philosophy, and in the following section
we will explain these differences.
Theoretical Irfan:
Theoretical 'irfan, as said before, is concerned with ontology,
and discusses God, the world, and the human being. This aspect
of 'irfan resembles theological philosophy (falsafeh-ye ilahi),
which also seeks to describe being. Like theological philosophy,
'irfan also defines its subject, essential principles and
problems, but whereas philosophy relies solely upon rational
principles for its arguments, 'irfan bases its deductions on
principles discovered through mystic experience (kashf) and then
reverts to the language of reason to explain them.
The rationalistic deductions of philosophy can be likened to
studying a passage written originally in the same language; the
arguments of 'irfan, on the other hand, are like studying
something that has been translated from some other language in
which it was originally written. To be more precise, the 'arif
wishes to explain those things which he claims to have witnessed
with his heart and his entire being by using the language of
reason.
The ontology of 'irfan is in several ways profoundly different
from the ontology of philosophers. In the philosopher's view,
both God and other things have reality, with the difference that
while God is the Necessary Being (wajib al-wujud) and
Existing-By-Himself, things other than God are only possible
existents (mumkin al-wujud), existing- through-another, and are
effects of the Necessary Being. However, the 'arif's ontology
has no place for things other than God as existing alongside
Him, even if they are effects of which He is the cause; rather,
the Divine Being embraces and encompasses all things. That is to
say, all things are names, qualities, and manifestations of God,
not existents alongside Him.
The aim of the philosopher also differs from that of the 'arif.
The philosopher wishes to understand the world; he wishes to
form in his mind a correct and relatively complete picture of
the realm of existence. The philosopher considers the highest
mark of human perfection to lie in perceiving, by way of reason,
the exact nature of existence, so that the macrocosm finds a
reflection within his mind while he in turn becomes a rational
microcosm. Thus it is said when defining philosophy that:
[Philosophy is] the (final) development of a rational knower ('alim)
into an actual world ('alam).
This means that philosophy is a study whereby a human being
becomes a rational microcosm similar to the actual macrocosm.
But the 'arif, on the other hand, would have nothing to do with
reason and understanding; he wishes to reach the very kernel and
reality of existence, God, to become connected to it and witness
it.
In the 'arif's view, human perfection does not mean having a
picture of the realm of existence in one's mind; rather it is to
return, by means of treading the spiritual path of progression,
to the origin from which one has come, to overcome the
separation of distance between oneself and the Divine Essence,
and, in the realm of nearness, to obliterate one's finite self
to abide in Divine Infinitude.
The tools of the philosopher are reason, logic and deduction,
while the tools of the 'arif are the heart, spiritual struggle,
purification and disciplining of the self, and an inner
dynamism.
Later, when we come to the world-view of 'irfan, we shall also
discuss how it differs from the world-view of philosophy.
'Irfan, both practical and theoretical, is closely connected
with the holy religion of Islam. Like every other religion - in
fact more than any other religion - Islam has explained the
relationships of man with God, with the world, and with himself;
and it has also given attention to describing and explaining
existence.
Now, the question inevitably arises here about the relation
between the ideas of 'irfan and the teachings of Islam. Of
course, the 'urafa' never claim that they have something to say
that is above or beyond Islam, and they are earnest in their
denials of any such imputations. In fact, they claim to have
discovered more of the realities of Islam, and that they are the
true Muslims. Whether in the practical teaching of 'irfan or the
theoretical, the 'urafa' always support their views by referral
to the Quran, the Sunnah of the Prophet and the Imams, and the
practice of the eminent amongst the Prophet's Companions.
However, others have held different views about the 'urafa', and
these may be mentioned:
(a) A group of muhaddithun and jurisprudents has been of the
view that the 'urafa' are not practically bound to Islam, and
that their referrals to the Quran and the Sunnah are merely a
ruse to deceive the simple-minded people and to draw to
themselves the hearts of the Muslims. This group is of the view
that 'irfan, basically, has no connection with Islam.
(b) A group of modernists who do not have favourable relations
with Islam and are ready to give a tumultuous welcome to
anything that gives the appearance of freedom from the
observances prescribed by the Shari'ah (ibahah) and which can be
interpreted as a movement or uprising in the past against Islam
and its laws, like the first group, believe that in practice the
'urafa' had no faith or belief in Islam, and that 'irfan and
tasawwuf was a movement of the non-Arab peoples against Islam
and the Arabs, disguised under the robes of spirituality.
This group and the first are united in their view that the 'urafa'
are opposed to Islam. The difference between them is that the
first group considers Islam to be sacred and, by banking on the
Islamic sentiments of the Muslim masses, wishes to condemn the 'urafa'
and, in this way, to hoot them off from the stage of the Islamic
sciences. The second group, however, by leaning on the great
personalities of the 'urafa'- some of whom are of world-renown -
wishes to use them as a means of propaganda against Islam. They
detract Islam on the grounds that the subtle and sublime ideas
of 'irfan found in Islamic culture are in fact alien to Islam.
They consider that these elements entered Islamic culture from
outside, for, they say, Islam and its ideas thrive on a far
lower level. This group also claims that the 'urafa's citations
of the Quran and hadith were solely due to dissimulation and
fear of the masses. This, they claim, was a means for them to
save their lives.
(c) Besides the above two, there is also a third group which
takes a rather neutral view of 'irfan. The view of this group is
that 'irfan and sufism contain many innovations and deviations
that do not accord with the Quran and the traditions; that this
is more true of the practical teaching of 'irfan than its
theoretical ideas, especially where it takes a sectarian aspect.
Yet, they say, the 'urafa', like the Islamic scholars of other
ranks and the majority of Islamic sects, have had the most
sincere intentions towards Islam, never wishing to make any
assertions contrary to its teachings. It is quite possible that
they have made mistakes, in the same way as the other types of
scholars - theologians, philosophers, Quranic commentators, and
jurisprudents - have made mistakes, but this has never been due
to an evil intention towards Islam.
In the view of this group, the issue of the 'urafa's supposed
opposition to Islam was raised by those who harbored a special
prejudice either against 'irfan or against Islam. If a person
were to disinterestedly study the books of the 'urafa', provided
that he is acquainted with their terminology and language,
although he might come across many a mistake, he will not doubt
the sincerity of their complete devotion to Islam.
Of the three views, I prefer the third. I do not believe that
the 'urafa' have had evil intentions towards Islam. At the same
time I believe that it is necessary for those having specialized
knowledge of 'irfan and of the profound teachings of Islam to
undertake an objective research and disinterested study of the
conformity of the issues of 'irfan with Islamic teachings.
Shari'ah, Tariqah and Haqiqah:
One of the important points of contention between the 'urafa'
and the non-'urafa', especially the jurisprudents, is the
particular teaching of 'irfan regarding the Shari'ah, the
Tariqah (the Way) and the Haqiqah (the Reality). Both agree in
saying that the Shari'ah, the body of Islamic laws, is based
upon a series of realities and beneficial objectives. The
jurisprudents generally interpret these goals to consist of
certain things that lead the human being to felicity, that is,
to the highest possible level of benefit from God's material and
spiritual favors to man. The 'urafa', on the other hand, believe
that all the paths end in God, and that all goals and realities
are merely the means, causes and agencies that impel the human
being towards God.
The jurisprudents say only that underlying the laws of the
Shariah is a series of benign objectives, that these objectives
constitute the cause and spirit of the Shari'ah, and that the
only way of attaining these objectives is to act in accordance
with the Shari'ah. But the 'urafa' believe that the realities
and objectives underlying the laws of the Shari'ah are of the
nature of stations and stages on the human being's ascent
towards God and in the process of man's access to the ultimate
reality.
The 'urafa' believe that the esoteric aspect of the Shari'ah is
the Way, the Tariqah, at whose end is the Reality (al-Haqiqah),
that is tawhid (in the sense mentioned earlier), which is a
stage acquired after the obliteration of the 'arif's self and
his egoism. Thus the gnostic believes in three things: the
Shari'ah, the Tariqah, and the Haqiqah, and that the Shari'ah is
the means to, or the shell of the Tariqah, and the Tariqah again
is the means to or the shell of the kernel of Haqiqah.
We have explained how the jurisprudents view Islam in the
lectures on kalam.[1] They believe that the Islamic teachings
can be grouped into three branches. The first of these is kalam,
which deals with the principal doctrines (usul al-'aqa'id). In
matters related to the doctrines it is necessary for the human
being to acquire, through reason, shakeless belief and faith.
The second branch is ethics (akhlaq). It sets forth the
instructions about one's duty in regard to ethical virtues and
vices.
The third branch, fiqh, deals with the laws (ahkam), which
relate to our external actions and behavior.
These three branches of Islamic teachings are separate from each
other. The branch of kalam is related to thought and reason; the
branch of akhlaq is related to the self, its faculties and
habits; and the branch of fiqh is related to the organs and
limbs of the body.
However, on the subject of doctrines, the 'urafa' do not
consider merely mental and rational belief to be sufficient.
They claim that whatever is to be believed in must be arrived
at; one must strive to remove the veils between oneself and
those realities.
Similarly, with respect to the second branch they do not
consider ethics to be adequate on account of its being static
and limited. In place of a philosophical ethics, they suggest a
spiritual methodology (sayr wa suluk) with its particular
composition.
Finally, in the third branch, they have no criticisms; only in
specific instances do they express opinions that could,
possibly, be taken as being opposed to the laws of fiqh.
These three branches are, therefore, termed by the 'urafa' as
Shari'ah, Tariqah, and Haqiqah. Yet they believe that in exactly
the same way as the human being cannot be divided into three
sections, that is, the body, the self, and reason, which are not
separate from each other and form an indivisible whole of which
they constitute inward and outward aspects, so it is with the
Shari'ah, the Tariqah, and the Haqiqah. One is outward shell,
another is inward kernel, and the third is the kernel of the
kernel. There is a difference, however, in that the 'urafa'
consider the stages of human existence to be more than three;
that is, they believe in a stage that transcends the domain of
reason. God willing, this shall be explained later.
The Origins of Islamic 'Irfan:
In order to understand any discipline or science, it is
essential to study its history and the historical developments
associated with it. One must also be acquainted with the
personalities who have originated or inherited it and with its
source books. In this lecture, and the fourth one, we will turn
to these matters.
The first issue to arise is whether Islamic 'irfan is a
discipline that originated in the Islamic tradition, such as
fiqh, usul al-fiqh, tafsir, and 'ilm al-hadith. That is, is it
one of those disciplines that were originated by the Muslims
who, having received in Islam the original inspiration, sources
and raw material, developed them by discovering their rules and
principles? Or is it one of those sciences that found their way
into the Islamic world from outside, like medicine and
mathematics, which were then developed further by the Muslims in
the environment of Islamic civilization and culture? Or is there
a third possibility?
The 'urafa' themselves maintain the first of these alternatives,
and are in no way ready to admit any other. Some orientalists,
however, have insisted - and some still insist - on the second
view that 'irfan and its subtle and sublime ideas have come into
the Islamic world from outside. Sometimes they maintain a
Christian origin for it, and claim that mysticism in Islam is
the result of early contact of the Muslims with Christian monks.
At other times they claim it to be a result of the Persians'
reaction against Islam and the Arabs. Then again sometimes they
make it entirely a product of Neo-Platonism, which itself was
composed of the ideas of Plato, Aristotle and Pythagoras,
influenced by Alexandrian gnosticism and the views and beliefs
of Judaism and Christianity. Sometimes they claim it to be
derived from Buddhism. Similarly, the opponents of 'irfan in the
Islamic world also strive to show the whole of 'irfan and sufism
as being alien to Islam, and for this purpose they too maintain
that gnosis has non-Islamic origins.
A third view admits that 'irfan, whether practical or
theoretical, draws its primary inspiration and material from
Islam itself; having taken this material, it has tried to give
it a structure by devising certain rules and principles and in
this process has also been influenced by external currents,
specially the ideas of scholasticism and philosophy, especially
of the Illuminationist school. Now there are a number of
questions which arise in this context. Firstly, to what extent
have the 'urafa' been successful in developing correct rules and
principles for structuring their material? Have the 'urafa' been
as successful in carrying this out as the jurisprudents? To what
extent have the 'urafa' felt themselves bound not to deviate
from the actual principles of Islam? And, similarly, to what
extent has 'irfan been influenced by the ideas of outside
traditions? Has 'irfan assimilated these external ideas by
shaping them in its particular moulds, and used them in its
development? Or, contrarily, have the waves of these foreign
currents carried away 'irfan in their flow?
Each of these questions requires a separate study and careful
research. But that which is certain is that 'irfan has derived
its basic sources of inspiration from Islam itself and from
nowhere else. Let us consider this point.
Those who accept the first view, and to some extent also those
who take the second view, see Islam as being a simple religion,
popular and unsophisticated, free of all sorts of mysteries and
difficult or unintelligible profundities. To them, the doctrinal
system of Islam rests on tawhid (monotheism), which means that
just as a house has a builder other than itself, so the world
has a transcendent Creator other than itself. Also, the basis of
man's relationship with the enjoyments of this world is, in
their view, zuhd (abstinence). In their definition of zuhd, it
means refraining from the ephemeral pleasures of this world in
order to attain the everlasting enjoyments of the Hereafter.
Besides these, there are a series of simple and practical
rituals and laws that are handled by fiqh.
Therefore, in this group's view, that which the 'urafa' call
tawhid is an idea that goes beyond the simple monotheism of
Islam; for the 'arif's view of tawhid is existentialist monism
in the sense that he believes that nothing exists except God,
His Names, Attributes, and manifestations.
The 'arif's conception of the spiritual path (sayr wa suluk),
likewise, they say, also goes beyond the zuhd enjoined by Islam,
for the spiritual path of 'irfan involves a number of ideas and
concepts - such as love of God, annihilation in God, epiphany -
that are not to be found in Islamic piety.
Similarly, the 'arif's concept of the Tariqah goes beyond the
Shari'ah of Islam; for the practice of the Tariqah involves
matters unknown to fiqh.
Furthermore, in the view of this group, the pious among the Holy
Prophet's Companions whom the 'urafa' claim to be their
precursors were no more than pious men. Their souls knew nothing
of the spiritual path of 'irfan and its tawhid. They were simple
otherworldly people who abstained from worldly pleasures and
directed their attention to the Hereafter and whose souls were
dominated by mixed feelings of fear and hope - fear of the
punishment of Hell and hope of the rewards of Paradise. That is
all.
In reality this view can in no way be endorsed. The primal
sources of Islam are far more extensively richer than what this
group - out of ignorance or knowingly - supposes. Neither the
Islamic concept of tawhid is as simple and empty as they
suppose, nor Islam limits man's spirituality to a dry piety, nor
were the pious Companions of the Holy Prophet simple ascetics,
nor is the Islamic code of conduct confined to the actions of
bodily limbs and organs.
In this lecture, brief evidence will be produced that will
suffice to show that Islam's fundamental teachings are capable
of having inspired a chain of profound spiritual ideas, both in
the theoretical and the practical realms of 'irfan. However, the
question of the extent to which the Islamic mystics have used
and benefited from Islam's fundamental teachings and the extent
to which they may have deviated, is one that we cannot go into
in these short lectures.
On the subject of tawhid, the Holy Quran never likens God and
the creation to a builder and a house. The Quran identifies God
as the Creator of the world, stating at the same time that His
Holy Essence is everywhere and with everything:
Wither so ever you turn, there is the Face of God.... (2:115)
... And We are nearer to him than the jugular vein. (50:16)
He is the First and the Last, the Outward and the Inward; ....
(57:3)
Evidently, these kind of verses represent a call to the thinking
minds to a conception of tawhid which goes beyond commonplace
monotheism. A tradition of al-Kafi states that God revealed the
opening verses of the Sura al-Hadid and the Sura al-'Ikhlas
because He knew that in future generations there will emerge
people who will think profoundly about tawhid.
As to the spiritual path of 'irfan, in which a series of stages
leading to ultimate nearness to God are conceived, it suffices
to take into account the Quranic verses which mention such
notions as liqa 'Allah (meeting with God), ridwan Allah (God's
good pleasure), or those which relate to revelation (wahy),
ilham (inspiration), and the angels' speaking to others who are
not prophets - for instance, Mary - and especially the verses
relating to the Holy Prophet's Ascension (mi'raj; 17:1).
In the Quran there is mention of the 'commanding self' (al-nafs
al-'ammarah; 12:53), the 'self-accusative self' (al-nafs al-lawwamah;
75:2), and the 'contented self' (al-nafs al-mutma'innah; 89:27).
There is mention of 'acquired knowledge' (al-'ilm al-'ifadi) and
inspired knowledge (al-'ilm al-ladunni; 18:65), and of forms of
guidance resulting from spiritual struggle:
And those who struggle in Us, We will surely guide them to Our
paths ... (29:69)
Mention is made in the Quran of the purification of the self,
and it is counted as one of the things leading to salvation and
deliverance:
(By the self) ... verily he who purifies it has succeeded,
while he who corrupts it has indeed failed. (91:7-10)
There is also repeated mention there of love of God as a passion
above all other human loves and attractions.
The Quran also speaks about all the particles of creation
glorifying and praising God (17:44), and this is phrased in a
way to imply that if one were to perfect his understanding, he
would be able to perceive their praise and magnification of God.
Moreover, the Quran raises the issue of the Divine breath in
relation to the nature and constitution of the human being
(32:9).
This, and much more besides, is sufficient to have inspired a
comprehensive and magnificent spirituality regarding God, the
world, and man, particularly regarding his relationship with
God.
As previously mentioned, we are not considering how the Muslim
'urafa' have made use of these resources, or whether their
utilization has been correct or incorrect. We are considering
whether there did exist such great resources that could have
provided effective inspiration for 'irfan in the Islamic world.
Even if we suppose that those usually classed as 'urafa' could
not make proper use of them, others who are not classed as such
did make use of them.
In addition to the Quran, the traditions, sermons, supplications
(du'a'), polemical dialogues (ihtijajat)* and the biographies of
the great figures of Islam, all show that the spiritual life
current in the early days of Islam was not merely a lifeless
type of asceticism blended with a worship performed in the hope
of the rewards of Paradise. Concepts and notions are found in
the traditions, sermons, supplications, and polemical dialogues
that stand at a very high level of sublimity. Similarly, the
biographies of the leading personalities of the early days of
Islam display many instances of spiritual ecstasy, visions,
occurrences, inner insights, and burning spiritual love. We will
now relate an example of it.
Al-Kafi relates that one morning after performing the dawn
prayer, a young man (Harithah ibn Malik ibn Nu'man al-'Ansari)
caught the Prophet's eye. Lean and pale, his eyes sunken, he
gave the impression of being unaware of his own condition and of
being unable to keep his balance. "How are you?" inquired the
Prophet . "I have attained certain faith," the youth replied.
"What is the sign of your certainty?" the Prophet asked.
The youth replied that his certainty had immersed him in grief.
It kept him awake at night (in worship) and thirsty by day (in
fasting), and had separated him from the world and its matters
so completely that it seemed to him as if he could see the
Divine Throne already set up (on the Judgement Day) to settle
the people's accounts, that he together with all of mankind were
raised from the dead. He said that it seemed to him that even at
that moment he could see the people of Paradise enjoying its
bounties, and the people of hell suffering torments and he could
hear the roar of its flames.
The Holy Prophet (S) turned to his Companions and told them,
"This is a man whose heart has been illuminated with the light
of faith by God". Then he said to the youth, "Preserve this
condition you are in, and do not let it be taken away from you."
"Pray for me," the youth replied, "that God may grant me
martyrdom."
Not long after this encounter, a battle took place, and the
youth, taking part, was granted his wish and was martyred.
The life, utterances and prayers of the Holy Prophet (S) are
rich with spiritual enthusiasm and ecstasy, and full of the
indications of gnosis, and the 'urafa' often rely on the
Prophet's supplications as reference and evidence for their
views.
Similarly, the words of Amir al-Mu'minin 'Ali (A), to whom
nearly all the 'urafa' and sufis trace the origin of their
orders, are also spiritually inspiring. I wish to draw attention
to two passages of the Nahj al-balaghah. In Khutbah No. 222,
'Ali states:
Certainly, God, the glorified, has made His remembrance the
means of burnishing the hearts, which makes them hear after
deafness, see after blindness, and makes them submissive after
unruliness. In all the periods and times when there were no
prophets, there have been individuals with whom God - precious
are His bounties - spoke in whispers through their conscience
and intellects.
In Khutbah No. 220, speaking about the men of God, he says:
He revives his intellect and mortifies his self, until his body
becomes lean and his coarseness turns into refinement. Then an
effulgence of extreme brightness shines forth for illuminating
the path before him, opening all the doors and leading him
straight to the gate of safety and the (permanent) abode. His
feet, carrying his body, become fixed in the position of safety
and comfort on account of that which engages his heart and on
having won the good pleasure of his Lord.
The Islamic supplications, especially those of the Shi'ah, are
also replete with spiritual teachings. The Du'a' Kumayl, the
Du'a' Abi Hamzah, the supplications of al-Sahifat al-Kamilah and
the group of supplications called Sha'baniyyah, all contain the
most sublime spiritual ideas.
With the existence of all these resources in Islam, is there a
need for us to search for the origin of Islamic 'irfan
elsewhere?
This reminds us of the case of Abu Dharr al-Ghifari and his
protest against the tyrants of his time and his vocal criticism
of their practices. Abu Dharr was severely critical of the
favoritism, partisan politics, injustice, corruption and tyranny
of the post-Prophetic era in which he lived. This led him to
suffer torture and exile, and finally it was in exile, deserted
and alone, that he passed away from this world.
A number of orientalists have raised the question of what
motivated Abu Dharr to act as he did. They are in search of
something foreign to the world of Islam to explain his behavior.
George Jurdaq, a Lebanese Christian, provides an answer to
these orientalists in his book al-'Imam 'Ali, sawt al-'adalah
al-'insaniyyah (Imam 'Ali, the Voice of Human Justice). There he
says that he is amazed at those who wish to trace Abu Dharr's
mentality to an extra-Islamic source. He says it is as if they
see someone standing at the side of a sea or river with a
pitcher of water in his hands, and begin to wonder from which
pool he has filled his pitcher, and then, completely ignoring
the nearby sea or river, go off in search of a pool or pond to
explain his full pitcher of water.
What other source other than Islam could have inspired Abu Dharr?
Which source could have the power of Islam in inspiring the
likes of Abu Dharr to rise against the tyrants of this world
such as Mu'awiyah?
Now we see a similar pattern in regard to 'irfan. The
orientalists are in search of a non-Islamic source of
inspiration of 'irfan, while they completely overlook the great
ocean of Islam.
Can we really be expected to overlook all these resources - the
Holy Quran, the traditions, the sermons, the polemical
dialogues, the supplications, and the biographies - simply in
order to give credence to the view of a group of orientalists
and their Eastern followers?
Formerly, the orientalists took great pains to project the
origins of Islamic 'irfan as lying outside the original
teachings of Islam. Lately, however, such individuals as the
English R.A. Nicholson and the French Louis Massignon, after
having made extensive studies in Islamic 'irfan, without being
unacquainted with Islam in general, have expressly admitted that
the principal sources of 'irfan are the Quran and the Prophet's
Sunnah.
We will conclude this lecture by quoting a passage by Nicholson
from the book The Legacy of Islam:
(Though Muhammad left no system of dogmatic or mystical
theology, the Qur'an contains the raw materials of both. Being
the outcome of feeling than reflection, the Prophet's statements
about God are formally inconsistent, and while Muslim
scholastics have embodied in their creed the aspect of
transcendence, the Sufis, following his example, have combined
the transcendent aspect with that of immanence, on which, though
it is less prominent in the Qur'an, they naturally lay greater
emphasis.)[2]
'Allah is the Light of the heavens and the earth' (xxiv:35);
'He is the first and the last and the outward and the inward'
(lvii:3);
'there is no god but He; everything is perishing except His
Face' (xxviii:88);
'Have breathed into him (man) of My spirit' (xv:29);
'Verily, We have created man and We know what his soul suggests
to him, for We are nigher unto him than the neck-artery'
(1:15);
'wheresoever ye turn, there is the Face of Allah' (ii:114);
'he to whom Allah giveth no light hath no light at all'
(xxiv:40).
Surely the seeds of mysticism are here. And, for the early
Sufis, the Qur'an is not only the Word of God: it is the primary
means of drawing near to Him. By fervent prayer, by meditating
profoundly on the text as a whole and in particular on the
mysterious passages (xvii:1; liii:1-18) concerning the Night
journey and Ascension, they endeavored to reproduce the
Prophet's mystical experience in themselves.[3]
... The doctrine of a mystical union imparted by divine grace
goes beyond anything in the Qur'an, but is stated plainly in
apocryphal traditions of the Prophet, e.g. God said, "My servant
draws nigh unto Me by works of supererogation, and I love him;
and when I love him, I am his ear, so that he hears by Me, and
his eye, so that he sees by Me, and his tongue, so that he
speaks by Me, and his hand, so that he takes by Me."[4]
As repeatedly said before, we are not concerned here with the
question whether the 'urafa' have succeeded in correctly
utilizing the inspiration provided by Islam; our purpose was to
consider whether the main source of their inspiration lay within
Islam or outside it.
A Brief History:
The previous lecture dealt with the question of locating the
principal origin of Islamic 'irfan, that is, whether there
exists in the teachings of Islam and the lives of the Holy
Prophet and the Imams a precedent that could have inspired a
series of profound and subtle mystical ideas, on a theoretical
level, and which could have prompted spiritual enthusiasm and
mystical elation on a practical level. The answer to this
question was seen to be positive. Now we will continue this
discussion.
The genuine teachings of Islam and the lives of its spiritual
leaders, so rich with spirituality and spiritual splendor, which
have provided the inspiration for profound spirituality in the
Islamic world, are not encompassed by that which is termed as 'irfan
or sufism. However, it is beyond the scope of these lectures to
discuss other parts of Islamic teachings that do not bear this
name. We will continue our discussion on the branch that is
labeled as 'irfan or sufism, and obviously the limited scope of
these lectures does not permit us to go into a critical
research. Here we will try to give an outline of the currents
and events that have occurred within this branch. For this
purpose, it appears to be appropriate that we begin by providing
a simple history of 'irfan or Sufism from the beginnings of
Islam until at least the 10th/16th century, before turning, so
far as is practical in a venture such as this, to an analysis of
the issues of 'irfan.
What seems certain is that in the early era of Islam, that is
throughout the 1st/7th century at least, there existed no group
amongst the Muslims known as 'urafa' or sufis. The name sufi was
first used in the 2nd/8th century.
The first person to be called by the name sufi is Abu Hashim al-
Kufi. He lived in the 2nd/8th century and he it was who first
built at Ramlah, in Palestine, a hospice for worship by a group
of ascetically- minded Muslims.[5] The date of Abu Hashim's
death is not known, but he was the teacher of Sufyan al-Thawri
who died in 161/777.
Abu al-Qasim Qushayri, himself an eminent 'arif and sufi, states
that the name sufi had appeared before the year 200/815.
Nicholson also states that the name appeared towards the end of
the 2nd century H. From a tradition contained in kitab al-ma'ishah
(vol. V) of al-Kafi, it appears that a group - Sufyan al-Thawri
and a number of others - existed in the time of al-'Imam al-Sadiq
(A) (that is to say, during the first half of the 2nd century
H.) who were already called by this name.
If Abu Hashim al-Kufi was the first to be called sufi, then,
since he was the teacher of Sufyan al-Thawri who died in
161/777, this name was first used during the first half of the
2nd century H., not at its end (as Nicholson and others have
stated). Nor does there appear to be any doubt that the reason
for the name being sufiyyah was their wearing of wool (sufi:
wool). Due to their asceticism, the sufis abstained from wearing
fine garments, and instead followed a practice of wearing
clothes made of coarse wool.
As for the date this group first began to call themselves 'urafa',
again there is no precise information. All that is certain, as
confirmed by the remarks quoted of Sari Saqati (d. 243/867)[6],
is that the term was current in the third century H. However, in
the book al-Luma' of Abu Nasr al-Sarraj al-Tusi, one of the
reliable texts of 'irfan and sufism, a phrase is quoted of
Sufyan al-Thawri which gives the impression that this term
appeared sometime in the second century. [7]
At all events, there was no group known as sufis during the
first century H. This name appeared in the 2nd century H., and
it seems that it was during the same century that the sufis
emerged as a particular group, not in the third century as is
the belief of some people. [8]
However, even though no special group existed in the first
century by the name of 'urafa' or sufis or any other name, it
does not imply that the eminent Companions were merely pious and
ascetic persons and that all of them led lives of simple faith
devoid of spiritual depth. Perhaps it is true that some of the
pious Companions knew nothing more beyond mere piety and
worship, yet a group of them possessed a powerful spiritual
life. Nor were they all of the same level. Even Salman and Abu
Dharr were not of the same degree. Salman enjoyed a degree of
faith that Abu Dharr could not have withstood. Many traditions
have come to us telling us:
If Abu Dharr knew what was in Salman's heart, he would
(considering him a heretic) have killed him. [9]
Now we will list the different generations of the 'urafa' and
sufis from the 2nd/8th to the 10/16th century.
'Urafa' of the Second/Eighth Century:
1. Al-Hasan al-Basri
The history of what is termed as 'irfan, like kalam, begins with
al-Hasan al-Basri (d. 110/728). He was born in 22/642 and lived
for eighty-eight years, having spent nine-tenths of his life in
the first century H.
Of course, al-Hasan al-Basri was never known by the term sufi,
but there are three reasons for counting him amongst the sufis.
The first is that he compiled a book called Ri'ayah li huquq
Allah (Observance of the Duties to Allah) [10], which can be
recognized as the first book on sufism. A unique manuscript of
this book exists at Oxford. Nicholson has this to say on the
subject:
The first Muslim to give an experimental analysis of the inner
life was Harith al-Muhasibi of Basrah ... 'The Path' (tariqah),
as described by later writers, consists of acquired virtues (maqamat)
and mystical states (ahwal). The first stage is repentance or
conversion; then comes a series of others, e.g. renunciation,
poverty, patience, trust in God, each being a preparation for
the next.[11]
Secondly, the 'urafa' themselves trace their orders back to al-
Hasan al-Basri; and from him to 'Ali (A), such as the chain of
the shaykhs of Abu Sa'id ibn Abi al-Khayr.[12] Similarly, Ibn
al-Nadim, in his famous al-Fihrist, traces the chain of Abu
Muhammad Ja'far al-Khuldi back to al-Hasan al-Basri, stating
that al-Hasan al-Basri had met seventy of the Companions who had
fought at Badr.
Thirdly, some of the stories related of al-Hasan al-Basri give
the impression that he was in fact part of a group that in later
times became known as sufis. We will relate some of these
stories when appropriate later on.
2. Malik ibn Dinar:
He was one of those who took asceticism and abstinence from
pleasure to the extreme. Many stories are told about him in this
regard. He died in the year 130/747.
3. Ibrahim ibn Adham:
The famous story of Ibrahim ibn Adham resembles that of Buddha.
It is said that he was the ruler of Balkh when something
happened that caused him to repent and enter the ranks of the
sufis.
'Urafa' attach great importance to this man, and a very
interesting tale is told about him in Rumi's Mathnawi. He died
around the year 161/777.
4. Rabi'ah al-'Adawiyyah:
This woman is one of the wonders of her time (d. 135/752 or
185/801). She was named Rabi'ah because she was the fourth
daughter of her family (rabi'ah: fem. gender of fourth). She is
not to be confused with Rabi'ah al-Shamiyyah, who was also a
mystic and a contemporary of Jami and lived in the 9th/15th
century.
Lofty sayings and soaring mystical verses are recorded of
Rabi'ah al-'Adawiyyah,' and she is noted for amazing spiritual
states (halat).
5. Abu Hashim al-Sufi of Kufah:
The date of this man's death is unknown. All that we can say is
that he was the teacher of Sufyan al- Thawri; who died in
161/777. He appears to be the first person to have been called
sufi. Sufyan says about him: "If it were not for Abu Hashim I
would not have known the precise details of ostentation (riya')."
6. Shaqiq al-Balkhi:
He was the pupil of Ibrahim ibn Adham. According to the author
of Rayhanat al-'adab, and others quoted in Kashf al-ghummah of
'Ali ibn 'Isa al-'Arbili and Nur al-'absar of al-Shablanji, he
once met al-'Imam Musa ibn Ja'far (A) and has given an account
of the Imam's great station and miracles. Shaqiq died in
194/810.
7. Ma'ruf al-Karkhi:
He is one of the famous 'urafa'. It is said that his parents
were Christian and that he became a Muslim at the hands of al-
'Imam al-Rida (A), learning much from him.
The lines of many orders, according to the claims of the 'urafa',
go back to Ma'ruf, and through him to al-'Imam al-Rida, and
through al- 'Imam al-Rida to the preceding Imams and thus to the
Prophet himself. This chain is therefore termed the 'golden
chain' (silsilat al-dhahab). Those known as the Dhahabiyyun
generally make this claim.
8. Al-Fudayl ibn 'Iyad:
Originally from Merv, he was an Iranian of Arab descent. It is
said of him that at first he was a highwayman, and that as he
was preparing to carry out a robbery one night he heard the
voice of his potential victim, reciting the Quran. This had such
an effect on him that he experienced a change of heart and
repented. The book Misbah al-Shariah is attributed to him and it
is said to consist of a series of lessons that he took from
al-'Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq (A). This book is considered reliable
by an erudite scholar of traditions of the last century, the
late Hajj Mirza Husayn Nuri, in the epilogue to his Mustadrak
al-Wasa'il. Fudayl died in 187/803.
'Urafa' of the Third/Ninth Century:
1. Abu Yazid al-Bistami (Bayazid):
One of the great mystics, it is said Bayazid was the first to
speak openly of 'annihilation of the self in God' (fana fi
'Allah') and 'subsistence through God' (baqa' bi 'Allah).
He has said "I came forth from Bayazid-ness as a snake from its
skin."
His ecstatic ejaculations (shathiyyat) have led others to call
him a heretic. However, the 'urafa' themselves consider him one
of those given to mystical 'intoxication' (sukr), that is, he
uttered these words when he was beside himself in ecstasy.
Abu Yazid died in 261/874 or 264/877. Some have claimed that he
worked as a water carrier in the house of al-'Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq
(A). However, this claim is not supported by history; Abu Yazid
was not a contemporary of the Imam.
2. Bishr ibn al-Harith al-Hafi:
One of the famous sufis, he was another who led a corrupt life
and then repented.
In his book Minhaj al-karamah, al-'Allamah al-Hilli has related
an account that depicts Bishr's repentance as being at the hands
of al-'Imam Musa ibn Ja'far (A), and because at the moment of
his repentance he was barefoot in the street, he became known as
'al- Hafi' (hafi=barefooted). However, others have given a
different reason for his being known as al-Hafi.
Bishr al-Hafi (born near Merv c. 150/767) died in 226/840 or
227/841 in Baghdad.
3. Sari al-Saqati:
One of the friends and companions of Bishr al-Hafi, Sari al-Saqati
was one of those who bore affection for the creatures of God and
of those who preferred others above themselves.
In his book Wafayat al-'a'yan, Ibn Khallikan writes that Sari
once said, "It is thirty years that I have been seeking
forgiveness for one phrase, Praise be Allah's, that I allowed to
pass my lips." When asked to explain he replied, "One night the
bazaar caught fire, and I left my house to see if the fire had
reached my shop. When I heard that my shop was safe, I said,
'Praise be Allah's'. Instantly I was brought to my senses with
the realization that, granted my shop was unharmed, should I not
have been thinking about others'?"
Sa'di is referring to this same story (with slight variations)
where he says:
One night someone's chimney kindled a fire, And I heard that
half of Baghdad had burnt down. One said, thank God that in the
smoke and ashes, My shop has not been damaged. A man who had
seen the world replied, O selfish man, Was your grief for
yourself and no other? Would you be satisfied that a town should
burn down by fire, If your own dwelling were left unscathed?
Sari was the pupil and disciple (murid) of Ma'ruf al-Karkhi,
and the teacher and maternal uncle of Junayd of Baghdad. Sari
has many sayings on mystical unity (tawhid), love of God and
other matters. It was also he who said: "Like the sun, the 'arif
shines on all the world; like the earth, he bears the good and
evil of all; like water, he is the source of life for every
heart; and like fire he gives his warmth to all and sundry."
Sari died in 253/867 at the age of ninety-eight.
4. Harith al-Muhasibi:
He was one of the friends and companions of Junayd. He was
called 'al-muhasibi' due to his great diligence in the matter of
self-observation and self-reckoning (muhasabah). He was a
contemporary of Ahmad ibn Hanbal, who, being an opponent of 'ilm
al-kalam, rejected Harith al-Muhasibi for entering into
theological debates, and this led to the people avoiding him.
Born in Basrah in 165/781, he died in 243/857.
5. Junayd of Baghdad:
Originally from Nahaw and, the 'urafa' and sufis have given
Junayd the title Sayyid al-Ta'ifah, just as the Shi'ah
jurisprudents call al-Shaykh al-Tusi Shaykh al-Ta'ifah.
Junayd is counted as one of the moderate mystics. The kind of
ecstatic ejaculations uttered by others were never heard from
his lips. He did not even put on the usual dress of the sufis,
and dressed like scholars and jurisprudents. It was suggested to
him that for the sake of his associates he should wear the sufi
dress. He replied: "If I thought clothes were of any importance
I would make an outfit of molten iron, for the call of truth is
that:
There is no significance in the (sufi) cloak, Importance lies
only in the (inward) glow.
Junayd's mother was the sister of Sari Saqati and Junayd became
his pupil and disciple. He was also the pupil of Harith al-Muhasibi.
It seems that he died in Baghdad in 298f910 at the age of
ninety.
6. Dhu al-Nun al-Misri:
An Egyptian, he was the pupil in jurisprudence of the famous
jurisprudent Malik ibn Anas. Jami has called him the leader of
the sufis. He it was who first began to use symbolic language
and to explain mystical matters through the use of a symbolic
terminology which only the elect could understand.
Gradually this became the standard practice, and mystical
concepts were expressed in the form of love-poetry (ghazal) and
symbolic expressions. Some believe that Dhu al-Nun also
introduced many Neoplatonic ideas into 'irfan and sufism.[13]
Dhu al-Nun died in 246/860 in Cairo.
7. Sahl ibn 'Abd Allah al-Tustari:
He is one of the great 'urafa' and sufis. A sect of gnostics who
consider the main principle of spirituality to be combatting the
self is named 'Sahliyyah' after him. He associated with Dhu
al-Nun of Egypt at Mecca. He died in Basrah in 282/895. [14]
8. Husayn ibn Mansur al-Hallaj:
Now famous simply as al-Hallaj, he is one of the most
controversial mystics of the Islamic world. The shathiyyat
uttered by him are many, and he was accused of apostasy and
claiming divinity. The jurisprudents pronounced him an apostate
and he was crucified during the reign of the 'Abbasid caliph al-Muqtadir.
The 'urafa' themselves accuse him of disclosing spiritual
secrets. Hafiz has this to say about him:
He said, that friend, who was raised high on the cross,
His crime was that he used to reveal secrets.
Some consider him no more than a juggler, but the 'urafa'
themselves absolve him and say that the statements of al-Hallaj
and Bayazid that gave the impression of unbelief were made when
they were beside themselves in the state of 'intoxication'.
Al-Hallaj is remembered by the 'urafa' as a martyr. He was
executed in 309/913. [15]
'Urafa' of the Fourth/Tenth Century:
1. Abu Bakr al-Shibli:
A pupil and disciple of Junayd of Baghdad and one who had met
al-Hallaj, al-Shibli is one of the famous mystics. He was
originally from Khurasan. In the book Rawdat al-jannat, and in
other biographies, many mystical poems and sayings have been
recorded of him.
Khawajah 'Abd Allah al-'Ansari has said: "The first person to
speak in symbols was Dhu al-Nun of Egypt. Then came Junayd and
he systematized this science, extended it, and wrote books on
it. Al-Shibli, in his turn, took it to the pulpit." Al-Shibli;
died in 334/846 at the age of 87.
2. Abu 'Ali al-Rudbari:
He traced his descent to Nushirwan and the Sasanids, and was a
disciple of Junayd. He studied jurisprudence under Abu al-'Abbas
ibn Shurayh, and literature under Tha'lab. Due to his versatile
knowledge, he was called the 'collector of the Law, the Way, and
the Reality' (jami' al-Shari'ah wa al-Tariqah wa al-Haqiqah). He
died in 322/934.
3. Abu Nasr al-Sarraj al-Tusi:
Abu Nasr al-Sarraj is the author of the book al-Luma', one of
the principal, ancient and reliable texts of 'irfan and sufism.
Many of the shaykhs of the sufi orders were his direct or
indirect pupils. He passed away in 378/988 in Tus.
4. Abu Fadl ibn al-Hasan al-Sarakhsi:
He was the pupil and disciple of Abu Nasr al-Sarraj, and the
teacher of Abu Sa'id ibn Abi al-Khayr. He was a mystic of great
fame. He died in 400/1009.
5. Abu 'Abd Allah al-Rudbari:
He was the son of Abu 'Ali al-Rudbari's sister. He is counted as
one of the mystics of Damascus and Syria. He died in 369/979.
6. Abu Talib al-Makki:
The fame of Abu Talib al-Makki rests largely on the book he
authored on 'irfan and sufism, Qut al-qulub. This book is one of
the principal and earliest texts of 'irfan and sufism. He passed
away in 385/995 or 386/996.
'Urafa' of the Fifth/Eleventh Century:
1. Shaykh Abu al-Hasan al-Khurqani:
One of the most famous 'urafa', the 'urafa' relate amazing
stories about him. Amongst these is one according to which he
would go to the grave of Bayazid and converse with his spirit,
taking his advice in solving his difficulties. Rumi says:
After many years had passed since the death of Bayazid
Bu'l-Hasan appeared. Now and then he would go and sit By the
side of his grave in his presence, Until came the spirit of his
shaykh, And as soon as he uttered his problem, it was solved
Rumi has remembered Shaykh Abu al-Hasan a lot in his Mathnawi,
which shows his devotion and attachment to him. It is said that
he met with Abu 'Ali Sina, the philosopher, and with Abu Sa'id
ibn Abi al- Khayr, the famous 'arif. He died in 425/1033-34.
2. Abu Sa'id ibn Abi al-Khayr:
One of the most famous of all mystics, Abu Sa'id ibn Abi al-Khayr
is also one of those most noted for their spiritual states (halat).
When once asked the definition of tasawwuf, he replied: "Tasawwuf
is that you give up whatever is on your mind, give away whatever
is in your hand, and to give over yourself to whatever you are
capable of."
He met with Abu 'Ali Sina. One day Abu 'Ali participated in a
meeting at which Abu Sa'id was preaching. Abu Sa'id was speaking
about the necessity of deeds, and about obedience and
disobedience to God. Abu 'Ali recited these verses (ruba'i):
We are those who have befriended your forgiveness,
And seek riddance from obedience and disobedience.
Wherever your favour and grace is to be found,
Let the not-done be like the done, the done like the not-done.
Abu Sa'id immediately replied:
O you who have done no good, and done much bad,
And then aspire after your own salvation,
Do not rely on forgiveness, for never
Was the not-done like the done, the done like the not-done.
The following ruba'i is also of Abu Sa'id:
Tomorrow when the six directions fade away,
Your worth will be the worth of your awareness.
Strive for virtue, for on the Day of Retribution,
You shall rise in the form of your qualities.
Abu Sa'id passed away in the year 440/1048.
3. Abu 'Ali al-Daqqaq al-Nishaburi:
He is considered one of those who combined in himself the
expertise of the Shari'ah and the Tariqah. He was a preacher and
an exegete (mufassir) of the Quran. To such an extent did he use
to weep while reciting supplications (munajat) that he was given
the title 'the lamenting shaykh' (shaykh-e nawhahgar). He passed
away in 405/1014 or 412/1021.
4. Abu al-Hasan 'Ali ibn 'Uthman al-Hujwiri:
He is the author of Kashf al-Mahjub, one of the famous sufi
books and one which has recently been published. He died in
470/1077.
5. Khwajah 'Abd Allah al-'Ansari:
A descendant of the great Companion of the Prophet, Abu Ayyub
al-'Ansari, Khwajah 'Abd Allah is himself one of the most famous
and pious of all 'urafa'. His fame rests largely on his elegant
aphorisms, munajat, and ruba'iyyat.
Amongst his sayings is this:
When a child you are low, when a youth you are intoxicated,
when old you are decrepit; so when will you worship God?
He has also said:
Returning evil for evil is the trait of a dog; returning good
for good is the trait of a donkey; returning good for evil is
the work of Khwajah 'Abd Allah al-'Ansari.
The following ruba'i is also his:
It is a great fault for a man to remain aloof,
Setting oneself above all the creation.
Learn thy lesson from the pupil of the eye,
That sees everyone but not itself.
Khwajah 'Abd Allah was born in Herat where he died and was
buried in 481/1088. For this reason he is known as 'the Sage of
Herat' (Pir-e Herat).
Khwajah 'Abd Allah authored many books, the best-known of which,
Manazil al-sa'irin, is a didactic manual on sayr wa suluk. It is
one of the most well-written works of 'irfan, and many
commentaries have been written on it.
6. Imam Abu Hamid Muhammad al-Ghazali:
One of the best-known scholars of Islam whose fame has
penetrated the East and the West, he combined in his person the
knowledge of the rational and traditional sciences (ma'qul wa
manqul). He became head of the Nizamiyyah Academy in Baghdad and
held the highest position of his age accessible to any scholar.
However, feeling that neither his knowledge nor his position
could satisfy his soul, he withdrew from public life and engaged
in disciplining and purifying his soul.
He spent ten years in Palestine, far from all who knew him, and
it was during this period that he became inclined towards 'irfan
and sufism. He never again accepted any post or position.
Following his period of solitary asceticism, he wrote his famous
Ihya' 'ulum al-Din ('Reviving the Sciences of Religion'). He
died in his home city of Tus in the year 505/1111.
'Urafa' of the Sixth/Twelfth Century:
1. 'Ayn al-Qudat al-Hamadani:
Of the most enthusiastic of mystics, 'Ayn al-Qudat al-Hamadani
was the disciple of Ahmad al-Ghazali's, younger brother of
Muhammad, who was also a mystic. The author of many books, he
also composed some brilliant poetry that, however, was not
altogether free of theopathetic exclamations (shathiyyat).
Charges of heresy were brought against him; he was executed, and
his body burnt and his ashes cast to the winds. He was killed
around 525-533/ 1131-1139.
2. Sanai Ghaznawi:
A famous poet, his verse is loaded with profound mystic
sentiments. Rumi, in his Mathnawi, has cited some of his sayings
and expounded them. He died around the middle of the 6th/12th
century.
3. Ahmad Jami:
Known as "Zhand-e Pil", Jami is one of the most celebrated of 'urafa'
and sufis. His tomb lies at Turbat-e Jam, near the border
between Iran and Afghanistan, and is well-known. Following lines
are among the verses he composed on fear (khawf) and hope
(raja'):
Be not haughty, for the mount of many a mighty man
Has been hamstrung among rocks in the desert;
But neither despair, for even wine-drinking libertines
Have suddenly arrived at the destination by a single song.
Similarly, on moderation between generosity and thrift he offers
the following advice:
Be not like an adze, drawing all to yourself,
Nor like a plane, gaining nothing for your work;
In matters of livelihood, learn from the saw,
It draws some to itself, and lets some scatter.
Ahmad Jami died around the year 536/1141.
4. 'Abd al-Qadir al-Gilani:
He is one of the most controversial figures of the Islamic
world. To him is attributed the Qadiriyyah order of sufis.
His grave at Baghdad is well known and famous. He is amongst
those from whom many supplications and high-flying sayings have
been recorded. He was a sayyid descended from al-'Imam al-Hasan
(A). He died in 560/1164 or 561/1165.
5. Shaykh Ruzbihan Baqli Shirazi:
He is known as Shaykh-e Shattah on account of his prolific
theopathetic exclamations. In recent years some of his books
have been published, mainly through the efforts of the
orientalists. He died in 606/1209.
'Urafa' of the Seventh/Thirteenth Century:
This century has produced some mystics of the highest stature.
We will mention some of them in a chronological order:
1. Shaykh Najm al-Din Kubra:
One of the greatest and most celebrated of mystics, the chains
of many orders go back to him. He was the pupil and disciple of
Shaykh Ruzbihan, and was also his son-in-law. He had many pupils
and disciples, amongst whom was Baha' al-Din Walad, the father
of Jalal al-Din Rumi.
He lived in Khuwarizm (in the present day USSR) at the time of
the Mongol invasions. Before his city was attacked, he was sent
a message informing him that he could lead a party of his family
and disciples out of the city to safety. Najm al-Din's reply was
that, 'Throughout all the days of comfort I have lived alongside
these people. Now that the day of difficulties has come I will
not leave them.' He then manfully strapped on a sword and fought
alongside the people of the city until he was martyred. This
happened in the year 624/1227.
2. Shaykh Farid al-Din al-'Attar:
One of the foremost of mystics, al- 'Attar has works both in
verse and in prose. His book Tadhkirat al- 'awifya' on the lives
and characters of the sufis and mystics - which begins with
al-'Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq (A) and ends with al-'Imam Muhammad al-Baqir
(A) - is considered a source book of documentary significance,
and great importance is attached to it by the orientalists.
Similarly, his work Mantiq al-tayr ('The Speech of the Birds')
is a masterpiece of mystical literature.
Rumi, commenting about al-'Attar and Sana'i, says:
'Attar was the spirit and Sana'i his two eyes,
We are following in the steps of Sana'i and 'Attar.
Rumi has also said:
'Attar passed through seven cities of love,
While we are yet in the bend of a single lane.
What Rumi means by the 'seven cities of love' are the seven
valleys of which al-'Attar speaks in his Mantiq al-tayr.
Muhammad Shabistari in his Gulshan-e raz says:
I am not ashamed of my poetry,
For, the like of 'Attar a hundred centuries will not see.
Al-'Attar was the pupil and disciple of Shaykh Majd al-Din of
Baghdad, who was amongst the pupils and disciples of Shaykh Najm
al-Din Kubra. He also benefited from the company of Qutb al-Din
Haydar, another of the shaykhs of the age and one after whom the
town in which he is buried, Turbat-e Haydariyyah, was named.
Al-'Attar lived during the time of the Mongol invasions, and
died - some say at the hands of the Mongols - around
626-28/1228-1230.
3. Shaykh Shihab al-Din al-Suhrawardi:
He is the author of the celebrated 'Awarif al-ma'arif, an
excellent text of 'irfan and sufism.
He claimed descent from Abu Bakr. It is said that he went each
year to visit Makkah and al-Madinah. He had met and conversed
with 'Abd al- Qadir al-Gilani. Amongst his disciples were the
famous poets Shaykh Saidi and Kamal al-Din Isma'il al-'Isfahani.
Sa'di had this to say about him:
My wise shaykh the murshid, Shihab, gave me two advices:
One, not to be egocentric,
The other, not to regard others with pessimism.
This Suhrawardi is not the same as the famous philosopher known
as Shaykh al-'Ishraq, who was killed around 581-590/1185-1194 in
Aleppo, Syria. Suhrawardi the gnostic died around the year
632/1234.
4. Ibn al-Farid al-Misri:
He is considered one of the mystics of the first rank. His
mystical poetry, in Arabic, reaches the loftiest summits and is
of the greatest elegance. His diwan (collection of poems) has
been published several times and has been the subject of many
distinguished commentaries. Of those who wrote a commentary on
his work was 'Abd al-Rahman Jami, a well-known mystic of the
ninth century.
The poetry of Ibn al-Farid in Arabic is comparable to that of
Hafiz in Persian. Muhyi al-Din ibn al-'Arabi once suggested to
him that he should write a commentary on his poems. Ibn al-Farid
replied that the commentary of his poems was Ibn al-'Arabi's own
al-Futuhat al- Makkiyyah.
Ibn al-Farid is of those who went through abnormal 'states' (ahwal).
More often than not he was in an ecstatic state and it was in
such states that many of his poems were composed. He died in the
year 632/1234.
5. Muhyi al-Din ibn al-'Arabi:
One of the descendants of Hatim al-Ta'i, Muhyi al-Din ibn al-'Arabi
was originally from Spain. Most of his iife, however, seems to
have been spent in Makkah and Syria. He was a pupil of the
sixth-century mystic Shaykh Abu Madyan al-Maghribi al-'Andalusi.
Through one intermediary link, the chain of his order goes back
to the Shaykh 'Abd al-Qadir al-Gilani mentioned above.
Muhyi al-Din, also known by the name Ibn al-'Arabi, is
certainly the greatest mystic of Islam. No one else has been
able to reach his level, neither before nor after him. Thus he
is known by the sobriquet 'al-Shaykh al-'Akbar' (the Greatest
Shaykh).
Islamic mysticism, from the time of its first appearance, has
made progress one century after another. Each century, as
indicated above, produced great mystics who have developed 'irfan,
always adding to its heritage. This advancement had always been
gradual. But in the 7th/13th century with the appearance of Ibn
al-'Arabi 'irfan made a sudden leap and reached the summit of
its perfection.
Ibn al-'Arabi took 'irfan to a stage it had never reached
before.
The foundations for the second branch of 'irfan, that is
theoretical 'irfan and its attendant philosophy, were laid by
Ibn al-'Arabi. In general, the mystics who came after him ate
the crumbs from his table.
Besides bringing 'irfan into a new phase, Ibn al-'Arabi was one
of the wonders of time. He was an amazing person, and this has
led to wildly divergent views about him. Some consider him al-Wali
al-Kamil (the Perfect Saint) and the Qutb al-'Aqtab (the Pole of
Poles). Others degrade him so much as to regard him a heretic,
calling him Mumit al-Din (the Killer of the Faith) or Mahi
al-Din (the Effacer of the Faith). Sadr al-Muta'allihin (Mulla
Sadra), the great philosopher and Islamic genius, had the
greatest respect for him, considering him far greater than Ibn
Sina or al-Farabi.
Ibn al-'Arabi authored over two hundred books. Many of his
works, or perhaps all of those whose manuscripts are extant
(numbering about thirty), have been published. Of his most
important books, one is his al-Futahat al-Makkiyyah, a colossal
work that is a veritable encyclopedia of 'irfan. Another is his
Fusus al-hikam which, although brief, is the most precise and
most profound text of 'irfan. Numerous commentaries have been
written on it, yet perhaps there have been no more than two or
three persons in any age who have been able to understand it.
Ibn al-'Arabi passed away in 638/1240 in the city of Damascus,
where his grave is still well known even today.
6. Sadr al-Din Qunawi:
He was the pupil, disciple and son of the wife of Ibn al-'Arabi.
He was a contemporary of Khwajah Nasir al-Din al-Tusi and of
Mawlana Jalal al-Din Rumi. He corresponded with Khwajah Nasir,
who paid him great respect. Similarly, at Qunyah(in present day
Turkey), there was perfect friendship and cordiality between him
and Rumi. Qunawi used to lead the prayers and Rumi would pray
behind him, and it has been said that Rumi was his pupil.
There is a story that when one day Rumi came to join Qunawi's
circle, he raised himself from his special masnad and offered it
to Rumi. Declining, Rumi said that he would have no excuse
before God for taking Qunawi's seat. At which Qunawi threw away
the masnad, saying, if it did not suit Rumi it would not suit
him either.
Qunawi provided the best exposition on the thought and ideas of
Ibn al-'Arabi. In fact, without Qunawi it is possible that Ibn
al-'Arabi would never have been understood. It was also through
Qunawi that Rumi became aquainted with Ibn al-'Arabi and his
school, and it seems that the reason for considering Rumi as
having been Qunawi's pupil is that Ibn al-'Arabi's ideas are
reflected in Rumi's Mathnawi and in his Diwan-e Shams.
Moreover, students of philosophy and 'irfan have used Qunawi's
books as textbooks for the last six centuries. His three famous
books are: Miftah al-ghayb, al-Nusus and al-FuQuk. Qunawi passed
away in 672/1273 (the year in which both Rumi and Khwajah Nasir
al-Din died) or in 673/1274.
7. Mawlana Jalal al-Din Muhammad Balkhi Rumi:
Known in the East as Mawlawi and in the West as Rumi, author of
the world famous Mathnawi, this man is one of the greatest
geniuses the world and Islamic 'irfan have ever seen. He was
descended from Abu Bakr. His Mathnawi is an ocean of wisdom and
full of precise spiritual, social and mystic insights. He ranks
amongst the foremost Persian poets.
Originally from Balkh, he left it with his father when still a
child. Together they visited Makkah, and at Nishabur they met
with Shaykh Farid al-Din al-'Attar. On leaving Makkah his father
went to Qunyah and there they settled down. At first Rumi, being
a scholar, engaged himself, like the other scholars of his rank,
in teaching, and he lived a respectable life. Then he met the
famous mystic Shams-e Tabrizi. Rumi was magnetized by this man
and at once gave everything up. His diwan of ghazal is named
after Shams, and he has repeatedly made ardent mention of him in
his Mathnawi. Rumi passed away in 672/1273.
8. Fakhr al-Din al-'Iraqi al-Hamadani:
A well-known poet of ghazal and a mystic, he was a pupil of Sadr
al-Din Qunawi and a murid and protege of Shihab al-Din al-Suhrawardi.
He passed-away in 688/1289.
'Urafa' of the Eighth/Fourteenth Century:
1. 'Ala' al-Dawlah Simnani:
He began as a secretarial official; then he gave up his post to
enter the path of the 'urafa', giving up all his wealth in the
way of God. He wrote many books, and held special beliefs in the
field of theoretical 'irfan, which are discussed in several
important texts of 'irfan. He passed away in 736/1335. Amongst
his disciples was the well-known poet Khwajawi Kirmani, who
describes him thus:
Whoever flourishes upon the path of 'Ali,
Like Khidr, finds the springs of life.
Getting relief from the whisperings of the Devil,
He becomes like 'Ala ' al-Dawlah Simnani.
2. 'Abd al-Razzaq Kashani:
Of the scholars of the eighth century 'irfan, 'Abd al-Razzaq
Kashani wrote commentaries on the Fusus of Ibn al- 'Arabi and
the Manazil al-sa'irin of Khwajah 'Abd Allah. Both of these have
been published and are referred to by scholars.
According to the author of Rawdat al-Jannat, in his account of
Shaykh 'Abd al-Razzaq Lahiji, 'Abd al-Razzaq Kashani was
eulogized by al-Shahid al-Thani. He and 'Ala' al-Dawlah Simnani
had heated discussions on theoretical issues of 'irfan that had
been raised by Ibn al- 'Arabi. He passed away in the year
735/1334.
3. Khwajah Hafiz Shirazi:
Despite his world-wide fame, the details of Hafiz's life are not
altogether clear. What is known is that he was a scholar, an 'arif,
a hafiz of the Quran and an exegete of the Book. He himself has
repeatedly indicated this in his verses:
I haven 't seen more beautiful lines than yours, Hafiz,
By the Quran that you have in your breast.
Your love shall cry out if you, like Hafiz,
Recite the Quran memoriter with all the fourteen readings.
Of the memorizers of the world none like me has gathered,
Subtleties of wisdom with Quranic delicacies.
In his poetry Hafiz speaks much of the pir-e tariqat (spiritual
guide) and of the murshid (master), yet it is not clear who was
the teacher and guide of Hafiz himself.
Hafiz's poetry attains to lofty mystical heights, and there are
few people who are able to perceive his mystic subtleties. All
the 'urafa' who came after him admit that he had indeed
practically covered the lofty stages of 'irfan. Several
important scholars have written commentaries on some of his
verses. For example, a treatise was written by the well-known
philosopher of the ninth century, Muhaqqiq Jalal al-Din Dawwani,
on the following verse:
My teachersaid: the pen of creation was subject to no error,
Bravo the pure eyes that hide all defects.
Hafiz passed away in 791/1389.[17]
4. Shaykh Mahmud Shabistari:
He is the creator of the sublime mystic poem Gulshan-e raz (The
Garden of Secrets). This poem is counted as one of the loftiest
works of 'irfan, and has immortalized the name of its author.
Many commentaries have been written upon it, perhaps the best of
which is that written by Shaykh Muhammad Lahiji, which has been
published and is available. Shabistari passed away about the
year 720/1320.
5. Sayyid Haydar Amuli:
One of the erudite mystics, Sayyid Haydar Amuli is the author of
the book Jami' al-'asrar (Collector of the Secrets), which is a
precise work on the theoretical 'irfan of Ibn al-'Arabi. This
book has lately been published. Another book by him is Nass al-nusus,
which is a commentary on Ibn al-'Arabi's Fusus al-hikam.
He was a contemporary of the famous jurisprudent Fakhr al-Muhaqqiqin
al-Hilli, but the date of his death is not known.
6. 'Abd al-Karim Jilani:
He is the author of the well-known book al-'Insan al-kamil ('The
Perfect Man'). The concept of the perfect man is a subject first
raised in its theoretical form by Ibn al-'Arabi, and has ever
since occupied an important place in Islamic 'irfan. Ibn al-'Arabi's
pupil and disciple, Sadr al-Din Qunawi, has discussed it fully
in his Miftah al-ghayb and, as far as we know, at least two
mystics have written whole books on the subject. One is 'Aziz
al-Din Nasafi, a mystic of the latter half of the 7th/13th
century, the other being 'Abd al-Karim Jilani. Jilani passed
away in 805/1402 at the age of thirty- eight.
'Urafa' of the Ninth/Fifteenth Century
1. Shah Ni'mat Allah Wali:
He claimed descent from the house of 'Ali. He is amongst the
most famous of 'urafa' and sufis. The current Ni'mat- ullahi
order is one of the most famous of sufi orders. His grave near
the city of Kirman is still a sufi shrine.
It is said that he lived until the age of ninety-five, and died
in the year 820/1417, 827/1424 or 834/1430. He lived most of his
life in the seventh century and associated with Hafiz Shirazi.
Much of his mystical poetry has survived.
2. Sa'in al-Din 'Ali Tarakeh Isfahani:
He is one of the most erudite of 'urafa'. He was deeply
acquainted with the theoretical 'irfan of Ibn al-'Arabi. His
book Tamhid al-qawa'id, which has been published and is
available, is a tribute to his profound learning in 'irfan, and
has been used as a source by the scholars who have succeeded
him.
3. Muhammad ibn Mamzah al-Fanari al-Rumi:
One of the scholars of the 'Uthmani empire, he distinguished
himself in several fields. Author of many books, his fame in 'irfan
is due to his book Misbah al-'uns. This is a commentary on
Qunawi's Miftah al-ghayb. Although it is not every- one who can
write a commentary and exposition on the books of Ibn al-'Arabi
and his disciple Sadr al-Din Qunawi, the authorities in 'irfan
to have followed him have all confirmed the value of this work.
A lithograph print of this book with the hawashi of Aqa Mirza
Hashim Rashti, a mystic of the last century, has been published
from Tehran.
Unfortunately due to bad print parts of the hawashi are
unreadable.
4. Shams al-Din Muhammad Lahiji Nurbakhshi:
The author of a commentary on the Gulshan-e raz of Mahmud
Shabistari, and a contemporary of Mir Sadr al-Din Dashtaki and 'Allamah
Dawwani, he lived in Shiraz. These two, who were both
outstanding philosophers of their age and, according to what
Qadi Nur Allah Shushtari has written in his Majalis al-mu'minin,
both accorded Lahiji the greatest respect.
Lahiji was the disciple of Sayyid Muhammad Nurbakhsh, himself
the pupil of Ibn Fahd al-Hilli. In his commentary on the Gulshan-e
raz he traces his chain back from Sayyid Muhammad Nurbakhsh to
Ma'ruf al-Karkhi, thence to al-'Imam al-Rida and the preceding
Imams and thus to the Holy Prophet himself (S). This he calls
the 'Golden Chain' (silsilat al-dhahab).
His fame rests largely on his commentary on the Gulshan-e raz, a
commentary that itself is one of the loftiest of mystic texts.
He began his writings, according to what he himself relates in
the introduction to his commentary, in the year 877/1472. The
year of his death is not precisely known. It seems to have been
before 900/1494.
5. Nur al-Din 'Abd al-Rahman Jami:
Jami claimed descent from the well- known jurisprudent of the
second century, Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Shaybani. A powerful
poet, he is considered the last great mystic poet of the Persian
language.
At first he assumed the takhallus "Dashti", but since he was
born in the locality of Jam, in the vicinity of Mashhad, and
traced his spiritual descent to Ahmad Jami (Zhand-e Pil), he
changed this to Jami. In his own words:
My birthplace is Jam and the drops of my pen
Are the draught of the cup of Shaykh al-Islam,[18]
Thus in the pages of my poetry
In two ways my pen-name is Jami.
Jami was an accomplished scholar in the various fields of Arabic
grammar and syntax, law, jurisprudence, logic, philosophy and 'irfan.
His many books include a commentary on the Fusus al-hikam of Ibn
al- 'Arabi, a commentary on the Luma'at of Fakhr al-Din 'Iraqi,
a commentary on the Ta'iyyah of Ibn al-Farid, a commentary on
the Qasidat al-Burdah in praise of the Holy Prophet (S), a
commentary on the Qasidah Mimiyyah of Farazdaq in praise of
al-'Imam 'Ali ibn al- Husayn, a book entitled al-Lawdyih, his
Bahdristan, written in the style of Sa'di's Gulistans and a book
Nafahat al-'uns on the biographies of mystics.
Jami was the disciple of Baha' al-Din Naqshaband, the founder of
the Naqshabandi order. However, as in the instance of Muhammad
Lahiji, who was a disciple of Sayyid Muhammad Nurbakhsh, his
academic standing is above that of his peer. Jami, even though
he is counted as one of the followers of Baha' al-Din Naqshaband,
achieved an academic standing several degrees higher than that
of Baha' al-Din.
Thus in this brief history in which we are concentrating upon
the academic side of 'irfan and not upon the development of the
various orders, special mention has been made of Muhammad Lahiji
and 'Abd al-Rahman Jami, rather than of the founders of their
orders. Jami died in 898/1492 at the age of 81.
This ends our brief history of 'irfan, covering the period from
its beginnings until the close of the 9th/15th century. We chose
to end at this point because, in our view, from the 10th/16th
century onwards 'irfan took on a different form. Up until this
time the learned and academic figures of 'irfan had all been
members of regular sufi orders and the poles (aqtab) or masters
of the sufi orders were great academic figures of 'irfan, to
whom we owe the great mystic works. Around the beginning of the
10th/16th century, however, this began to change.
Firstly, the masters of the sufi orders were no longer possessed
of the academic prominence of their forerunners. It may be said
that from this time onwards formal sufism lost itself in
customs, outward aspects, occasionally of an innovative nature (bid'ah).
Secondly, scholars who were not members of any formal sufi order
began to show profound learning in the theoretical 'irfan of Ibn
al-'Arabi, such that none from amongst the sufi orders could
match them. Examples of such scholars are Sadr al-Muta'allihin
of Shiraz (d. 1050/1640), his pupil Fayd Kashani (d. 1091/1680),
and Fayd's own pupil Qadi Sa'id Qummi (d. 1103/1691). The
knowledge of each of these of the theoretical 'irfan of Ibn al-'Arabi
exceeded that of the poles or masters of any sufi order of their
times, while they themselves were not attached to any of the
sufi orders. Moreover, this is a development that has continued
down to the present day, as can be seen in the examples of the
late Aqa-Muhammad Rida Qumsheh'i and the late Aqa Mirza Hashim
Rashti. These two scholars of the last hundred years were both
experts in the field of theoretical 'irfan, yet they too were
not members of any sufi order.
On the whole, it can be said that it was from the time of Muhyi
al-Din ibn al-'Arabi, who laid the foundations of theoretical 'irfan
and philosophized 'irfan, that the seed of this new development
was sown.
The above-mentioned Muhammad ibn Hamzah Fanari perhaps
represented this type. But the new development that produced
experts in the field of theoretical 'irfan who were either not
at all devoted to practical 'irfan and its spiritual
methodology, or, if they were - and to some extent most of them
were - had nothing to do with any formal sufi order, is
perfectly discernible from the 10th/16th century onwards.
Thirdly, since the 10th/16th century there have been individuals
and groups devoted to the spiritual methodology of practical 'irfan,
who had attained a very lofty spiritual standing indeed and yet
they were not members of any of the formal sufi orders. They
were either indifferent to the formal sufis or regarded them as
being partially or totally heretical.
Amongst the characteristics of this new group of theoretical and
practical 'urafa' - who were also learned in law and
jurisprudence - was a perfect loyalty to the shari'ah and a
harmony between the rites of the path of progression and the
rites of jurisprudence. This development has also its own
history, but here we have no opportunity to enter its details.
The Mystic's Stations (Maqamat):
The 'urafa' maintain that in order to arrive at the stage of
true gnosis, there are stages and stations that must be covered.
Unless covered, the 'urafa' hold, to arrive at the station of
true gnosis is impossible.
'Irfan has a facet that it shares with theosophy (hikmat ilahi),
while many of the facets of these two disciplines differ. The
facet common to them both is that the aim of both is knowledge
of God (ma'rifat Allah). They differ in that theosophy does not
aim solely at knowledge of God but rather aims at a knowledge of
the order of being.
The knowledge that is sought by the theosophist (hakim) is of
the system of existence, of which, naturally, knowledge of God
is an important pillar. The goal of 'irfan, on the other hand,
is exclusively knowledge of God.
In the view of 'irfan, knowledge of God is total knowledge.
Everything must be known in the light of knowledge of God and
from the point of view of tawhid; such knowledge is a derivative
of knowledge of God.
Secondly, the knowledge sought by the hakim is intellectual
knowledge and can be likened to the knowledge acquired by the
mathematician after thought and reflection on a particular
mathematical problem. However, the knowledge sought by the 'arif
is experienced and witnessed; it can be likened to the knowledge
acquired by an experimental scientist in his laboratory. The
hakim seeks certain knowledge ('ilm al-yaqin), while the 'arif
seeks the certainty of direct vision ('ayn al-yaqin).
Thirdly, the means employed by the hakim are his reason,
deductions and proofs, whereas those employed by the 'arif are
the heart and the purification, disciplining and perfecting of
the self. The hakim seeks, through the telescope of his mind, to
study the order of existence, while the 'arif seeks to prepare
the whole of his being so as to arrive at the core of reality.
He seeks to reach reality like a drop of water in the search of
the sea. In the view of the hakim, the perfection expected of a
human being lies in understanding reality, while in the 'arif's
view it lies in reaching reality. In the hakim's view an
imperfect human being is one who is ignorant, while in the 'arif's
view the imperfect human is one who has remained distant and
separated from his origin.
The 'arif therefore sees perfection in reaching rather than in
understanding. And in order to reach the principal goal and the
stage of true gnosis, he views the traversing of several stages
and stations as being necessary and essential. This he calls
sayr wa suluk, the science of inward wayfaring.
These stages and stations have been discussed in great detail in
the books of 'irfan. Here it is not possible to explain, even
briefly, each and every one of them. However, in order at least
to give a general impression, I believe that we can do no better
than to turn to the ninth section of Ibn Sina's al-'Isharat.
Although Ibn Sina is mainly a philosopher, not a mystic, he is
not a 'dry' philosopher, and especially towards the end of his
life he developed mystic inclinations. In his al-'Isharat, which
appears to be his last work, he has devoted a whole section to
the 'stations' of the gnostics. This section being
extraordinarily sublime and beautiful, we consider it more
suitable for our purposes to present a summary of this section,
rather than citing or translating suitable passages from the
books of the 'urafa'.
Zahid, 'abid & 'arif:
He who abstains from the enjoyments of the world, even its
wholesome ones, is called a zahid (ascetic); and he who is
careful to perform worship, prayer and fasting and the like, is
called an 'abid (devotee); and he who keeps his thought turned
perpetually towards the realm of light in order that the light
of the Real shine in his breast is called an 'arif; and
sometimes two or more of these epithets may apply to the same
person.
Although Ibn Sina defines here the zahid, the 'abid and the 'arif,
yet at the same time he is defining zuhd, 'ibadah, and 'irfan.
This is because a definition of zahid, 'abid, or tarif per se
includes implicitly a definition of zuhd, 'ibadah, or 'irfan.
Thus the conclusion to be drawn from this passage is that zuhd
is abstinence from worldly enjoyments; 'ibadah is the
performance of specific acts like prayer, fasting, reciting the
Quran and the like; and 'irfan is turning away the mind from
everything but Allah and paying complete attention to the Divine
Essence so that the light of the Real may shine on one's heart.
The last clause indicates an important point. One or more of
these characteristics may occur in combination. Thus it is
possible for an individual to be an 'abid and a zahid, a zahid
and an 'arif, an 'abid and an 'arif, or an 'abid, zahid, and 'arif
at one and the same time. Ibn Sina has not elaborated this, but
he implies that although it is possible for one to be a zahid or
an 'abid and not be an 'arif, it is not possible for one to be
an 'arif and not be a zahid and an 'abid. One may be both a
zahid and an 'abid without being an 'arif, but an 'arif by
definition is also a zahid and an 'abid. So, although not every
zahid or 'abid is an 'arif, every 'arif is a zahid and an 'abid.
In the next passage we will see that the zuhd of an 'arif
differs in its goal from that of a non-'arif. In fact, the
spirit and essence of the 'arif's zuhd and 'ibadah are different
from those of the non-'arif:
The zuhd for the non-'arif, is a transaction by which he gives
up the pleasures of the world for the pleasures of the
Hereafter, whereas for the 'arif it is something through which
he dissociates himself from everything that keeps him from
attention towards God and he looks down on everything except
God. Whereas worship for the non-'arif is a transaction by which
he performs actions in the world for a reward (ajr, thawab) to
be received in the Hereafter, for the 'arif it is a kind of
exercise that is aimed at strengthening his self's intellectual
and imaginative faculties, and which, by repetition, draws away
the self from the realm of illusion to the realm of the Real.
The 'arif's Goal:
The 'arif desires the Real (God) not for the sake of something
else, and he values nothing above his knowledge of the Real, and
his worship of Him is because He is worthy of worship and it is
a worthy way of relating himself to Him; it is not out of desire
(for rewards) or fear (of chastisement).
The meaning of this is that in terms of his aims the 'arif is a
muwahhid. He seeks only God, yet his desire of God is not on
account of His gifts in this world or in the Hereafter. Were
such to be the case, the real object of his desire would be the
gifts, God being only the preliminary means by which the desired
gifts are sought. In such a case, in reality, the final object
of worship and desire would be one's own self; for the purpose
of seeking those gifts is the pleasure of the self.
However, the 'arif desires whatever he desires for the sake of
God. When he desires the gifts of God he does so because they
are from Him, and are His favours. They represent His Grace and
Magnanimity. So, while the non-'arif seeks God for the sake of
His gifts, the 'arif seeks the gifts of God for the sake of God.
Here the question may arise, if the 'arif does not seek God for
the sake of anything, then why does he worship Him? Is it not
true that every act of worship must have a purpose? Ibn Sina's
passage contains the answer. He states that the goal and
motivation of the 'arif's worship is one of two things. One is
the inherent worthiness of the Worshipped to be worshipped,
meaning that one worships God simply because He is worthy of
worship. It is rather like someone who upon noticing some
admirable qualities in a person or a thing praises that person
or thing. If asked what motivated him to utter such praise, or
of what benefit was it to him, he will reply that he sought no
benefit from his praise, but simply saw that person or thing as
being genuinely deserving of praise. This is true of the praise
accorded to the heroes or the champions of each and every field.
The other motivation of the 'arif's worship is the worthiness of
worship itself. It bears an intrinsic nobility and beauty of its
own, for it is a connection, a tie, between oneself and God.
Thus it has a worthiness of its own, and there is no reason why
worship should necessarily entail desire or fear.
'Ali (A) has some famous words on this subject:
My God, I do not worship You in fear of Your Fire, nor in
desire for Your Paradise, but I find You worthy of worship so I
worship You.
The 'urafa' place great importance on this issue, considering it
a kind of shirk (polytheism) for one's goal in life and
particularly in worship to be something other than God Himself.
'Irfan totally rejects this kind of shirk. Many have written
elegantly and subtly on the subject, and we will look at an
allegory from Sa'di's Bustan which takes the outward form of a
story of Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznah and his close confidant Iyaz:
One with the Shah of Ghaznah found fault, saying,
What charm has he, the Shah's friend Iyaz.
A flower indeed with neither colour nor smell,
How strange of the nightingale to set its heart upon such a
thing.
Someone conveyed this remark to Sultan Mahmud,
Who, on hearing it, was besides himself with anguish.
'I love him for his disposition and character,
Nor for his pleasing gait and stature. '
Heard I once that in a narrow defile,
The king's treasure-chest broke open after a camel fell.
The king, after signalling his bequest,
Spurred on his steed to get ahead hastily.
The riders now fell upon the pearls and corals,
Their thoughts now turning from the king to the treasure.
None of the proud lads remained that day
To follow in the king's train except Iyaz
Looking out, the king saw him, and beholding Iyaz,
His face like a flower bloomed with delight.
'What booty have you brought along, ' the king inquired.
'None, 'said, Iyaz. 'I hurried after you,
Preferring your service to treasure and bounties.
Sa'di then turns from this story to the point he wishes to make,
which he expresses thus:
If you look to your friend for his favours,
You are tied to yourself not to your friend
A breach of the Way it was if the saints
Desired of God aught other than God.
The First Station
The first level of the 'arif's journey is what they eall
'resolution' (al-'iradah), and this is a fervent desire to catch
hold of the Firm Tie (al-'urwat al-wuthqa) that catches hold of
one who is perceptive of true proofs, or who has settled his
self through the covenant of faith, so that it impels his heart
towards the Holy in order to attain the spirit of connection
(with Him).
In order to explain the first stage of the spiritual path -
which in one respect potentially embraces the whole of 'irfan -
we are obliged to be somewhat elaborate. The 'urafa' primarily
believe in a principle which they sum up in the following
phrase:
The ends are the return to the beginnings.
Clearly, for the end to be the beginning there are two
possibilities.
One is that the movement is in a straight line, and that once
the object in motion reaches a certain point it changes its
direction and retraces exactly the same route that it came. In
philosophy it has been proved that such a change of direction
would entail an interval of motionlessness, even if
imperceptible. Furthermore, these two movements would be
opposite to each other. The second possibility is that the
movement is on along a curve all of whose points are equidistant
from a certain central point, in other words a circle. It is
clear that if the movement takes the form of a circle, naturally
the path will end at the point of commencement.
An object moving in a circle will continually move farther from
the point of beginning until it reaches the point farthest from
where it began. This is the point diametrically opposite to the
point of commencement. It is also from this point that, with no
pause or interval, the return journey (ma'ad) to the point of
departure (mabda') commences. The 'urafa' call the first part of
the journey, i.e. from the point of departure to the point
farthest from it, 'the arc of descent' (qaws al-nazul), and the
journey from there back to the point of departure, 'the arc of
ascent' (qaws al-su'ud). There is a philosophical view
associated with the movement of things from the point of
departure to the farthest point which the philosophers call the
'principle of causality' (asl al-'illiyyah), and which the 'urafa'
call the 'principle of emanation' (asl al-tajalli); in either
case objects travelling along the arc of descent are as if
driven from behind. Similarly, the movement of objects from the
farthest point to the point of departure also has its own
philosophical theory. This is the principle of every derivative
being's desire and passion to return to its origin. In other
words, it is the principle of the flight back of everything
estranged and stranded to its origin and homeland. This
tendency, so the 'urafa' believe, is inherent in each and every
particle of existence, including the human being, though in man
it can often be latent and hidden.
Man's preoccupations prevent the activity of this tendency, and
a series of stimuli are required before this inner inclination
will surface. It is the appearance and surfacing of this
inclination that the 'urafa' term as 'resolution' or 'will' (iradah).
Thus in reality this resolution is a type of awakening of a
dormant consciousness. 'Abd al-Razzaq Kashani, in his Istilahat,
defines iradah as:
A spark in the heart from the fire of love that compels one to
answer the summons of the Real (Haqiqah).
Khwajah 'Abd Allah Ansari in his Manazil al-sa'irin defines
iradah as follows:
It is the voluntary answer (in actions) to the summons of the
Real (Haqiqah).
Here it is necessary to point out that the meaning of iradah
being the first stage is that it is the first stage after a
chain of other stages has been passed, stages that are called
'preparations' (bidayat), 'doors' (abwab), 'conduct' (mu'amalat).
and 'manners' (akhlaq). Thus iradah is the first stage in the
terminology of the 'urafa' in the sense that it signifies a
genuine gnostic awakening.
Rumi describes the principle that 'the end is the return to the
beginning' as follows:
The parts are faced towards the Whole,
Nightingales are in love with the rose's face;
Whatever comes from the sea to the sea returns,
And everything goes back to its source;
Like the streams rushing down from mountain tops,
My soul, burning with love, longs to leave the body.
Rumi opens his Mathnawi by inviting the reader to listen to the
plaintive cries of the reed, as it complains of its separation
from the reed bed. Thus in the first lines of his Mathnawi Rumi
is actually bringing up the first stage of the 'arif, that is
iradah, a desire to return to one's origins that is accompanied
with the feeling of separation and loneliness. Rumi says:
Listen to the reed as its story it relates
And of its separation it complains.
Since the time that from the reed bed was I taken,
At my strains have lamented man and woman.
O, a heart I seek that is torn with the pain of separation
That it may hear the tale of my longing for return.
Whoever remains distant from his origins,
Seeks again the life of reunion.
To sum up, Ibn Sina, in the above passage, means that iradah is
a desire and longing that, after deep feelings of alienation,
loneliness and estrangement, makes its appearance in the human
being and motivates him to seek reunion with the Real, a union
which puts an end to the feelings of alienation, loneliness, and
helplessness.
Exercise and Self-Discipline:
Then what is certainly required is exercise (riyadah), and it is
directed towards three ends - the first is to clear the path of
all but the Real; the second is to subjugate the 'commanding
self' (al-nafs al-'ammarah) to the 'contented self' (al-nafs al-mutma'innah);
the third is to render the heart subtle for awareness.
After having commenced the journey at the stage of iradah, the
next stage is that of exercise and preparedness. This
preparedness is termed riyadah. Nowadays this term is generally
misunderstood and it is taken to mean self-mortification. In
some religions the principle of mortifying the self is hallowed.
Perhaps the best examples of this are to be seen in the Yogis of
India. In the terminology of Ibn Sina, however, the word is not
used in this sense. The original meaning of this Arabic word is
'to exercise', or 'to break in a colt.' Thereafter the word was
used for physical exercise, a sense which the word still bears
today. The 'urafa' borrowed this word, and in their terminology
it is used to mean exercising the soul and preparing it for the
illumination of the light of knowledge (ma'rifah). It is in this
sense that the word is used in the passage above.
Ibn Sina then declares this exercising and preparing of the soul
to be directed towards three aims. The first of these is related
to external matters and entails the removal of distractive
occupations and the causes of negligence (ghaflah). The second
is related to the balance of the inner forces and the removal of
agitations from the soul, which he has described as the
submission of the 'commanding self' to the 'contented self'. The
third relates to qualitative changes in the soul, which he calls
'rending subtle of the heart'.
And the first [of the three aims of riyadah] is aided by true
zuhd (i.e. zuhd removes the impediments and the hindering
preoccupations, which cause neglect, from the path). The second
is aided by several things: worship infused with (presence of
heart, concentration and) reflection; melody that serves to
strengthen the self through which the accompanying words have an
effect on the heart (such as melodious reciting of the Quran,
supplications and litanies, and the singing of mystic poetry);
the instructive speech of a pure, eloquent speaker who speaks
gently and effectively in the manner of a guide. As for the
third goal, it is aided by subtle thoughts (contemplating subtle
and delicate ideas and meanings which lead to spiritual
refinement) and a chaste love (a love that is spiritual and not
physical and sensual) which is directed by the virtues of the
beloved and not ruled over by sensuality.
Then, when iradah and riyadah reach a certain degree, flashes (khalasat)
of the dawning light of the Real will descend upon him,
delightful as they are, they are momentary like flashes of
lightning appearing and instantly vanishing. These they call
'moments' (awqat), and these flashes increase in frequency with
greater diligence in riyadah.
As he advances deeper into this, they descend upon him even when
he is not exercising. Now often he will glance at something and
his glance be deflected from it towards the Holy, bringing to
his attention some aspect of the Divine, and a state of trance (ghashyah)
descends upon him, in which, as if, he sees God in every thing.
Perhaps it is at this stage that his states overwhelm him,
disturbing his equanimity, a change that would be noticed by
anyone near him.
Then, he reaches a point in his exercises when his 'moments'
change into stable tranquillity, the brief snatches become
familiar and the flashes beeome a prolonged blaze. Then he
achieves an enduring gnostic state which permanently accompanies
him from which he derives an ecstatic delight. And when it
departs him he becomes sad and bewildered.
And perhaps it is at this stage the state in which he is in
will make itself apparent (to others); but as he progresses
deeper into this gnosis, its appearance will be less detectable
in him and he will be absent when (appearing to be) present, and
travelling when (appearing to be) still.
This passage calls to mind a sentence spoken by 'Ali ibn Abi
Talib (A) to his disciple Kumayl ibn Ziyad about the 'friends of
God' (awliya' al-Haqq), who exist in every age:
Knowledge has led them to the reality of insight, and they are
in contact with the spirit of certainty. They find easy what is
regarded as rough by those who live in comfort and luxury. They
are intimate with what terrifies the ignorant. They are in the
company of people with their bodies, yet their souls are lodged
in the highest realm. (Nahj al-balaghah, Hikam, No. 147).
Until this stage, perhaps, this state of gnosis will occur to
him only occasionally. Thereafter it will gradually become such
that it is available to him whenever he wants.
Thereafter, he advances further than even this stage until his
affair no longer depends on his own wish. Whenever he observes a
thing he sees other than it (i.e God), even if his observation
is not for the sake of reflection. So, the opportunity presents
itself to ascend from the plane of false appearances to the
plane of Truth. He becomes stabilized upon it, while (in the
world) he is surrounded by the heedless.
Up until this point we have been dealing with the stage of
exercise, self-discipline, struggle and the spiritual itinerary.
Now the 'arif has reached his goal.
When he crosses from the stage of riyadah to that of attainment,
his inward becomes like a clear mirror facing in the direction
of the Real. Sublime delights shower upon him, and he rejoices
at his self for what is there of the Real. Now (like one viewing
an image in a mirror, who looks either at the image or at the
mirror reflecting the image) he is perplexed by two views: the
view of the Real and the view of his own self.
Then, he becomes oblivious to his own self and views only the
Holy. And if he notices his self it is for the reason of its
being the viewer, not for the sake of its own beauty (like one
who when looking at an image in a mirror, views the image only;
although he does not pay attention to the mirror itself,
nevertheless the mirror is seen while viewing the image, though
the mirror is not viewed for its own beauty). It is at this
point that the wayfarer attains union (and his journey from
khalq to Haqq becomes complete).
Here ends our summary of the ninth section of Ibn Sina's Isharat
and his account of the journey from creation (khalq) to God (Haqq).
A point that must be added is that the 'urafa' believe in four
journeys: sayr min al-khalq ila al-Haqq, sayr bi al-Haqq a al-Haqq,
sayr min al-Haqq ila al-khalq bi al-Haqq, sayr fi al-khalq bi
al-Haqq (the journey from creation to God; the journey with God
in God; the journey with God from God to creation; and finally,
the journey in creation with God).
The first journey is from creatures to the Creator. The second
is in the Creator; it means that in the course of it the 'arif
becomes acquainted with His Qualities and Names and himself
becomes adorned with the same. In the third journey, he returns
towards the creation, without becoming separated from God, in
order to guide the people. The fourth journey is amongst the
people while still united with God. In this journey the 'arif is
with and amongst the people and seeks to guide their affairs so
as to lead them towards God.
The summary from Ibn Sina's al-'Isharat given above is related
to the first of these journeys. He also gives a brief account of
the second journey, but it is not necessary for our purposes to
include it. Khwajah Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, in his commentary on
al-'Isharat, says that Ibn Sina has explained the first journey
of the 'arif in nine stages. Three stages are related to the
beginning of the journey, three to the journey from its
beginning to its end, and three are related to the arrival or
the union. Some reflection on Ibn Sina's account makes the point
clear.
By 'riyadah ' which is translated as 'exercise', Ibn Sina means
the exercises in self-discipline that the 'arif undergoes. There
are many of these, and the 'arif must follow a chain of stations
in these exercises too. Here Ibn Sina is brief in the extreme,
yet the 'urafa' have discussed this matter in detail, and one
may seek these details in their works.
Some Terms of 'Irfan:
In this section we intend to cover some of the special terms
used in 'irfan. The 'urafa' have coined a large number of these
terms, and without an acquaintance with them it is not possible
to understand many of their ideas. In fact, one may draw a
conclusion quite opposite to that intended. This is one of the
characteristics of 'irfan. However, every branch of learning has
its own set of terms, and this is a matter of necessity. The
commonly understood meanings of words used are often unable to
meet the precise requirements of a science or discipline.
Thus there is no option but that in every discipline certain
words be selected to convey certain specific meanings, thus
coining for the practitioners of that discipline a special
vocabulary. 'Irfan, too, is no exception to this general rule.
Moreover, the 'urafa' insist that none but those initiated to
the Path should know their ideas, because - in their view at
least - none but the 'urafa' are able to understand these
concepts. Thus the 'urafa' unlike the masters of other sciences
and crafts, intentionally attempt to keep their meanings
concealed so that the vocabulary they devised bears, in addition
to the usual aspects of a terminology, also something of an
enigmatic aspect, leaving us to discover the enigma's secret.
Furthermore, there is also a third aspect to be occasionally
taken into account, which increases the difficulty. This arises
from the practice of some 'urafa' - at least those called the
Malamatiyyah - who adopted an inverted form of ostentation (riya'
ma'kus) in their discourses by cultivating ill fame instead of
good name and fame amongst the people. This means that as
opposed to those afflicted with the vice of ostentation (riya')
who wish to make themselves appear better than they actually
are, the 'urafa' practising self-reproach seek to be considered
good by God and yet appear to the people as bad. In this way
they seek to cure themselves of all types of ostentation and
egoism.
It is said that the majority of the 'urafa' of Khurasan were
Malamatiyyah. Some even believe that Hafiz was one. Such words
as rindi (libertinism), la ubaligari (carelessness); qalandari
(mendicancy), qallashi (pauperism) and the like signify
indifference to creation, not to the Creator. Hafiz has spoken a
lot on the subject of giving the impression of doing things that
earn for one a bad name, while being inwardly good and
righteous. A few examples:
If an adherent of the path of love, worry not about bad name.
The Shaykh-e San'an had his robe in pawn at a gambling house.
Even if I mind the reproaches of claimants,
My drunken libertinism would leave me not.
The asceticism of raw libertines is like a village path,
But what good would the thought of reform do to one of worldwide
ill fame like me?
Through love of wine I brought my self-image to naught,
In order to destroy the imprint of self-devotion.
How happily passes the time of a mendicant, who in his spiritual
journey,
Keeps reciting the Name of the Lord, while playing with the
beads of his pagan rosary.
However, Hafiz, elsewhere condemns the ostentatious cultivation
of ill fame just as he condemns sanctimoniousness:
My heart, let me guide thee to the path of salvation:
Neither boast of your profligacy, nor publicize your piety.
Rumi defends the Malamatiyyah in the following verses:
Behold, do not despise those of bad name,
Attention must be given to their secrets.
How often gold has been painted black,
For the fear of being stolen and lost.
This issue is one of those over which the fuqaha' have found
fault with the 'urafa'. Just as Islamic law condemns sanctimony
(riya') - considering it a form of shirk - so does it condemn
this seeking of reproach. It says that a believer has no right
to compromise his social standing and honour. Many 'urafa' also
condemn this practice.
In any case, this practice, which has been common amongst some 'urafa',
led them to wrap their ideas in words which conveyed the very
opposite of what they meant. Naturally this makes the
understanding of their intentions a good deal harder.
Abu al-Qasim Qushayri, one of the leading figures of 'irfan,
declares in his Risalah that the 'urafa' intentionally speak in
enigmas, for they do not want the uninitiated to become aware of
their customs, states and their aims. This, he tells us, is
because they are incapable of being understood by the
uninitiated.[19]
The technical terms of 'irfan are many. Some of them are related
to theoretical 'irfan, that is to say, to the mystic world-view
and its ontology. These terms resemble the terms of philosophy
and are relatively recent. The father of all or most of them was
Ibn al-'Arabi. It is extremely difficult to understand them.
Amongst these are fayd al- 'aqdas (the holiest grace), fayd al-muqaddas
(the holy grace), al-wujud al-munbasit (the extending
existence), haqq makhluq bi hadarat al- khams, maqam al-'ahadiyyah
(the station of uniqueness), maqam al- wahidiyyah (the station
of oneness), and so on.
The others are related to practical 'irfan, i.e. the sayr wa
suluk of 'irfan. These terms, being of necessity related to the
human being, are similar to the concepts of psychology and
ethics. In fact they are part of a special type of psychology, a
psychology that is indeed empirical and experimental. According
to the 'urafa', philosophers - and for that matter
psychologists, theologians and sociologists, let alone another
class of scholars - who have not entered this valley to observe
and study the self at close hand, have no right to make
judgements on this subject.
The terms of practical 'irfan, as opposed to those of
theoretical 'irfan, are ancient. They can be dated as early as
the 3rd/9th century, from the time of Dhu al-Nun, Ba Yazid and
Junayd. Here follows an exposition of some of these terms,
according to definitions ascribed to them by Qushayri and
others.
1. Waqt (Moment):
In the previous section we came across this word in a passage
from Ibn Sina. Now let us turn to the 'urafa's definitions of
it. The summary of what Qushayri has to say on this subject is
that the concept of waqt is relative. Each state or condition
that befalls the 'arif requires of him a special behavioural
response. The particular state which calls for a particular kind
of behaviour is termed the Moment of a particular 'arif.
Of course, another 'arif in the same state may have a different
Moment, or the same 'arif in other circumstances may have a
different Moment that will require of him a different behaviour
and a different responsibility.
An 'arif must be familiar with these Moments; that is, he must
recognize each state that descends upon him from the unseen, as
well as the responsibilities which accompany it. The 'arif must
also count his Moment as precious. Thus it is said that "the 'arif
is the son of the Moment". Rumi says:
The sufi is to be the son of the Moment, O friend;
Saying 'tomorrow ' is not a convention of the Way.
The Arabic waqt has the same sense as dam (breath) and 'aysh-e
naqd (cash of life or cash pleasure) of Persian poetry. Hafiz
especially makes much mention of 'the cash of life' and
'counting the moment as precious.' Some of those who are either
uninformed or who wish to exploit Hafiz as an excuse for their
own perverseness, suppose or pretend that Hafiz's use of such
words is an invitation to material pleasures and indifference to
the cares of the future, to the Hereafter and God - an attitude
which is known in the West as Epicureanism.
The notions of 'counting the moment as precious' or 'ready
pleasure' is of the recurring motifs of Hafiz's poetry. Perhaps
he mentions it thirty times or more. It is obvious that since in
his poetry Hafiz observes the 'urafa's practice of speaking in
enigmas and symbols, many of his ambiguous verses may appear, on
the surface, to present perverse ideas. In order to clear away
any such delusions, one may count the following verses as
throwing light on others like them.
Whether I drink wine or not, what have I to do with anyone?
I am the guard of my secrets and gnostic of my moment.
Get up, let's take the sufi's cloak to the tavern,
And the theopathetic ravings to the bazaar of nonsense;
Let's be ashamed of these polluted woolens,
If the name of miracle be given to this virtue and skill;
If the heart fails to value the moment and does nothing,
Now much shame will the moments bring in for us.
In a land, at morning time, a wayfarer
Said this to a companion on the way,
O sufi, the wine becomes pure
When it remains in its bottle for forty days.
God is disdainful of that woolen cloak a hundred times
That has a hundred idols up its sleeve;
I see not the joy of 'aysh in anyone,
Nor the cure of a heart nor care for religion;
The inners have become gloomy, perhaps perchance,
A lamp may be kindled by some recluse.
Neither the memorizer is alone (with God) during lessons,
Nor the scholar enjoys any knowledge of certainty.
Hafiz's ambiguous verses on this subject are many. For example:
Grab the pleasure of the moment, for Adam did not tarry
More than a moment in the garden of Paradise.
Qushayri states that what is meant by the sufi being the 'son of
his Moment' is that he performs whatever has upmost priority for
him in the 'state' (hal) he is in; and what is meant by 'the
Moment is a sharp sword' is that the requirement (hukm) of each
Moment is cutting and decisive; to fail to meet it is fatal.
2 & 3. Hal (State) and Maqam (Position):
Well-known amongst the terms of 'irfan are hal (state) and maqam
(position). The State is that which descends upon the 'arif's
heart regardless of his will, while his Position is that which
he earns and attains through his efforts. The State quickly
passes but the Position is lasting. It is said that the States
are like flashes of lightning that quickly vanish. Hafiz says:
A lightning flash from Layla's house at dawn,
Goodness knows, what it did to the love-torn heart of Majnun.
And Sa'di says:
Someone asked of he who had lost his son,
O enlightened soul, O wise old man,
All the way from Egypt you smelt his shirt,
Why could you not see him in the well of Canaan.
Said he, my State is like a lightning flash,
A moment it's there, another moment gone;
Often it lifts me to the highest sky,
And often I see not what is at my feet.
Should a dervish in his State persist,
The two worlds will lie in his hands.
Above we have already quoted the following sentence from the
Nahj al-balaghah which is relevant here too:
He has revived his intellect and slain his self, until his
(bodily and spiritual) bulkiness shrunk and his coarseness
turned into tenderness. Then an effulgence, like brilliant flash
of lightning, shone into his heart and illuminated the path
before him.... (Nahj al-balaghah, Khutab, No. 220, p. 337)
The 'urafa' call these flashes lawa'ih, lawami' and tawali'
depending upon their degree of intensity and length of duration.
4 & 5. Qabd (Contraction) and Bast (Expansion):
These two words are also amongst those to which the 'urafa'
apply a special meaning, They refer to two contrasting spiritual
states of the 'arif's soul; qabd (contraction) refers to a sense
of desolation felt by it, while bast (expansion) is a state of
expansion and joy. The 'urafa' have discussed these two states
and their respective causes extensively.
6 & 7. Jam (Gatheredness) and Farq (Separation):
These two terms are much used by the 'urafa'. According to
Qushayri: 'That which is on the part of the creature and
acquired by the creature and worthy of the station of
creaturehood is called farq; while that which is on the part of
God- such as inspiration - is called jam'. He whom God makes
halt at the station (maqam) of obedience and worship is at the
station of farq; and he upon whom God reveals His favours is at
the station of jam'.
Hafiz says:
Listen to me with the ear of awareness and for pleasure strive,
For these words came at dawn from the caller unseen;
Stop thinking of 'separation ' that you become 'gathered'
For, as a rule, the angel enters as soon as the Devil leaves.
8 & 9. Ghaybah (Absence) and Hudur (Presence):
Ghaybah is a state of unawareness of creation that occasionally
descends upon the 'arif, in which he forgets himself and his
surroundings. The 'arif becomes unaware of himself due to his
presence (hudur) before God. In the words of a poet:
I am not so occupied with you, O of heavenly face,
For the memories of bygone selfhood still flash within my heart.
In this state of 'presence' with God and 'absence' from himself
and his surroundings, it is possible that important occurrences
take place around him without his becoming aware of them. In
this connection the 'urafa' have many famous stories. Qushayri
writes that Abu Hafs al-Haddad of Nishabur left his trade as a
blacksmith because of one incident. Once as he was busy working
in his shop, someone recited a verse of the Holy Quran. This put
al-Haddad in a state that rendered him totally heedless of his
sensible surroundings. Without realizing it he removed a piece
of red-hot iron from the furnace with his bare hand. His
apprentice cried out to him and he returned to his senses.
Thereupon he gave up that trade.
Qushayri also writes that al Shibli once came to see Junayd
while Junayd's wife was also sitting there. Junayd's wife made a
movement as if to leave, but Junayd stopped her saying that al-Shibli
was in a 'state', and heedless of her. She sat a while. Junayd
conversed with al-Shibli for some time until al Shibli slowly
began to cry. Junayd then turned to his wife telling her to veil
herself for al-Shibli was returning to his senses.
Hafiz says:
As every report that I heard has led to perplexity,
From now on it is me, the cupbearer, and the state of
heedlessness.
If it is presence you want do not be absent from Him, Hafiz
When you meet what you desire, abandon the world and forget it.
It is along these lines that the 'urafa' explain the states of
the awliya' during their prayers, in which they became totally
heedless of themselves and of their surroundings. Later we shall
see that there is a level higher than 'absence', and it was this
that the awliya' were subject to.
10,11,12 & 13. Dhawq, Shurb, Sukr and Riyy:
The 'urafa' believe that mere conceptual knowledge of anything
has no attraction; the attractiveness of a thing and the ability
to inspire passion is subsequent to 'tasting'. At the end of the
eighth section of his al-'Isharat Ibn Sina mentions this; he
gives the example of a man who is impotent. He says that however
much one may describe sexual pleasure to a person devoid of the
sexual instinct, who has never had the taste of this pleasure,
he will never be sexually aroused. Thus dhawq is the tasting of
pleasure. In the terminology of 'irfan it means the actual
perception of the pleasure derived from manifestations (tajalliyat)
and revelations (mukashafat). Dhawq is the beginning of this,
its continuance is called shurb (drinking), its joy sukr
(intoxication) and being satiated with it riyy
(thirst-quenching).
The 'urafa' are of the view that whatever is derived from dhawq
is 'an appearance of intoxication' (tasakur) and not
'intoxication' (sukr) itself. Intoxication, they say, is
obtained from 'drinking' (shurb). That which is obtained by
'becoming quenched' (riyy) is 'sobriety' (sahw), or the return
to the senses.
It is in this sense that the 'urafa' have talked much about
sharab and mey that would ordinarily mean wine.
14, 15 & 16. Mahw, Mahq, and Sahw:
In the 'urafa's discourses, the words mahw (effacement) and sahw
(sobriety) are very common. What is meant by mahw is that the 'arif
reaches such a stage that his ego becomes effaced in the Divine
Essence.
He no more perceives his own ego as others do. And if this
effacement reaches such a point that the effects of his ego are
also effaced, they call this mahq (obliteration). Mahw and mahq
are both higher than the stage of ghaybah, as indicated above.
Mahw and mahq mean fana' (annihilation). Yet it is possible for
an 'arif to return from the state of fana' to the state of baqa'
(abiding in God). It does not however, mean a retrogression from
a higher state; rather it means that the 'arif finds subsistence
in God. This state, loftier even than mahw and mahq, is called
sahw.
17. Khawatir (Thoughts):
The 'urafa' call the thoughts and inspirations cast into their
hearts waridat (arrivals). These waridat are sometimes in the
form of states of 'contraction' or 'expansion', joy or sadness,
and sometimes in the form of words and speech. In the latter
case they are called khawatir (sing. khatirah). It is as if
someone inside him is speaking to the 'arif.
The 'urafa' have much to say on the subject of khawatir. They
say that they can be rahmani (i.e. from God), shaytani (inspired
by the Devil) or nafsani (musings of the self). The khawatir
constitute one of the dangers of the path, for it is possible
that due to some deviation or error the Devil may come to
dominate the human being. In the words of the Quran:
Verily the satans inspire their friends ... (6:121)
They say that the more adept should be able to discern whether
the khatirah is from God or from the Devil. The fundamental
criterion is to see what a particular khatirah commands or
prohibits; if its command or prohibition is contrary to the
dicta of the Shari'ah, then it is definitely satanic. The Quran
says:
Shall I inform you upon whom the Satans descend ? They descend
upon every lying, sinful one. (26:221-222)
18.,19. & 20. Qalb, Ruh and Sirr:
The 'urafa' have different words for the human soul; sometimes
they call it nafs (self), sometimes qalb (heart), sometimes ruh
(spirit) and sometimes sirr (mystery). When the human soul is
dominated and ruled by desires and passions they call it nafs.
When it reaches the stage of bearing Divine knowledge, it is
called qalb. When the light of Divine love dawns within it, they
call it ruh. And when it reaches the stage of shuhud, they call
it sirr. Of course, the 'urafa' believe in levels beyond this,
which they call khafi (the 'hidden') and akhfa (the 'most
hidden').
Notes:
[1] Murtada Mutahhari, An Introduction to Ilm al Kalam, transl.
By Ali Quli Qarai, Al-Tawhid, vol II No. 2
[2] R.A Nicholson, Mysticism in The Legacy of Islam, London 1931
ed. by Sir Thomas Arnold and Alfred Guillaume pp. 211-212
[3] Ibid
[4] Ibid
[5] Dr Qasim Ghani, Tarikh e Tasawwuf Dar Islam, p. 19
[6] Farid al Din al Attar, Tadhkirat al-awliya
[7] Abu Nasr al Sarraj, al-Luma, p. 427
[8] Dr. Qasim Ghani, op. cit
[9] Abbas al Qummi, Safinat al Bihar, under s-l-m
[10] Harith al Muhasibi, not Hasan al Basri
[11] Nicholson, op cit p. 214
[12] Dr. Qasim Ghani, op cit p. 462
[13] Ibid, p. 55
[14] Abu Abd al Rahman al Sulami, Tabqat al sufiyyah, p. 206
[15] Authors work Ilal e girayeh be maddehgari
[16] Can't find
[17] Hafiz is the most beloved figure of Persian poetry in Iran
[18] Ahmad Jami was known as Shaykh al Isma
[19] al-Qushayri, Risalah, p. 33
HOME - NEWSLETTERS - BOOKS - ARTICLES - CONTACT - FEEDBACK
DISCLAIMER:
All material published by Al-Huda.com / And the Message Continues is the sole responsibility of its author's).
The opinions and/or assertions contained therein do not necessarily reflect the editorial views of this site,
nor of Al-Huda and its officers.